An International Congress
THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS
FIFTY YEARS AFTER THEIR DISCOVERY
Major Issues and New Approaches

ABSTRACTS

PHILIP S. ALEXANDER
University of Manchester

Palaeography, "Codicology" and the History of Serekh ha-YahadMore copies of the Community Rule survive than of any other sectarian text from Qumran. These copies are spread over at least 150 years and are very diverse as to their handwriting, size, material, general presentation and physical form. This data will be surveyed and an attempt made to integrate it into an account of the transmission and use of the Community Rule at Qumran. It will be argued that any redaction-history of Serekh ha-Yahad which relies only on internal literary and textual analysis, and does not make use of the external physical evidence for transmission is incomplete; any redaction-history that clearly runs counter to the external physical evidence is flawed. It will also be argued that the history of the copying of the Community Rule may provide a secure starting-point for a discussion of scribal practice at Qumran. It is unclear just how many of the Scrolls were actually copied at Qumran. Most would now concede that at least some of the Dead Sea manuscripts were copied elsewhere and brought to Qumran. Not every Scroll is, therefore, evidence for scribal practice at Qumran. The Community Rule is the sectarian text par excellence , and it is a reasonable assumption that its surviving copies were all made at Qumran. It survives in a sufficient number of copies, spread over a sufficient period of time to provide some insight into the distinctive practices of the Qumran "scriptorium." What emerges if we assume that the Serekh ha-Yahad scribal practices are "normative" and compare these with the practices found in the other manuscripts of the Dead Sea cache?

ANDERS ASCHIM
Norwegian Lutheran School of Theology

Melchizedek and Levi

The portrait of Levi in certain Jewish works of the Second Temple period (the Aramaic Levi Document, Jubilees 30-32, the Greek Testament of Levi) shares some interesting features with the image of Melchizedek in the Hebrew Bible. Like Melchizedek in Gen 14:18-20, Levi is called "priest for the Most High God," and he is connected with the tithe. Like the priest "according to the order of Melchizedek" in Ps 110:4, Levi is proclaimed as "priest forever."
While these similarities have long been noted, opinions about their significance differ. Especially intriguing is the question of an eventual connection with the Hasmonean rulers. This raises the issue of the date and tendency of the Levi texts: Are they pro-Hasmonean, anti-Hasmonean, or pre-Hasmonean? Or do they rather represent different opinions or stages of tradition? A related issue concerns the dating of the Melchizedek texts of the Hebrew Bible. Hasmonean dates have recently been proposed for both Gen 14 and Ps 110.
The paper will reassess the question of the relationship between the Melchizedek and Levi traditions, in the light of recent research on the Qumran fragments of the Aramaic Levi Document and the Book of Jubilees.

MEIR BAR-ILAN
Jewish History Department, Bar-Ilan University

Reasons for Sectarianism according to the Tannaim and the Impurity of Oil Alleged by the Essenes according to Josephus

The aim of this paper is to present Rabbinic sources to aid the understanding of the development of sectarianism according to the Rabbis and to explain one of Josephus' statements (War II, viii,3) in regard to the avoidance of oil by the Essenes.
According to the Rabbis there are few cases when in halakhic matters one does not agree with the rabbinic consensus: he will go astray to build his own altar and/or burn his own red heifer. This might happen, according to the Rabbis when: 1) one does not agree with the calendar of the Rabbis; 2) one does not agree with the rabbinic perspective that "all" are reliable when it comes to testify to the purity of Hatat, Qodesh or Hulin (wine
and oil). It is argued that these are exactly the cases where the Essenes didn't agree with the Rabbis, which in turn, explain their sectarianism.
According to the Rabbis, not all oil was always considered pure, since in the days of producing oil, all the people were considered to be pure, so the oil was pure too. However, the oil was considered as impure the whole year round. There is a special Halakha concerning the reliability of "all" to testify to the purity of oil, where the Rabbis claim that without their Halakha, people would be sectarians. According to the Rabbis "all" means
people from all social strata: proselytes, manumissioned slaves, nethinim, bastards and all kinds of eunuchs. "All" were reliable for the Rabbis but not for the Essenes. It is shown that the rule reflected in Josephus' description is exactly a sectarian rule (according to the Rabbis).
Rabbinic Halakha shows the background of the Essenes' avoidance of oil (by itself contradicted by few verses in the Temple Scroll), but it is argued that Josephus' explanation of the phenomenon was incorrect.

RICHARD BAUCKHAM
University of St. Andrews, Scotland

The Qumran Community and the Gospel of John

Among the New Testament writings, the Gospel of John has often been thought to show a special affinity with the literature of the Qumran community, such that an actual historical connection between the two has sometimes been postulated. This paper argues that no such connection is convincing. The most striking resemblance is in the dualism of light and darkness in 1QS and John, but it functions differently in the two texts, and this theme in John can be adequately explained as a development from Jewish tradition independent of the specifically Qumran literature. 1QS and John represent independent, not related, developments of the imagery of light and darkness.

JOSEPH M. BAUMGARTEN
Baltimore Hebrew College

The Tohorot Texts - Legal and Theological Aspects of Purification

The ongoing analysis of the Cave 4 Tohora texts enables us to identify new distinguishing characteristics of the sectarian approach to purity. The widespread impression that the sect was invariably the most stringent in all areas of purity is not completely accurate. Thus, in consonance with the later Karaite exegesis, the verb rahas in some texts was taken to signify only washing, while tabal meant complete immersion. Initial washing after contamination was held to be adequate for eating ordinary food. On the other hand, the rites of parah adumah were construed rigorously to require their performance by priests, rather than the young boys used by the Pharisees for preparing the ashes and sprinkling the waters. Interestingly, the sprinkling waters, mey niddah , were apparently held to be effective, not only for corpse impurity, but for sexual uncleanness. There are hints of this in certain non-normative rabbinic sources.
As to the theology of purification, the liturgical fragments indicate that immersion was associated with the divinely granted atonement and renewal of the ruah qodesh . This calls for new evaluation of the sources pertaining to the later preaching of Yohanan ha-Matbyl.

GREGORY H. BEARMAN AND SHEILA I. SPIRO
ANE Image, Pasadena, CA

MICHAEL B. PHELPS
Ancient Biblical Manuscript Center, Claremont, CA

IR Imaging of Ancient Manuscripts: Do It Yourself

In 1994 a team from the Jet Propulsion Laboratory and the Ancient Biblical Manuscript Center applied the principles of imaging spectroscopy to difficult Dead Sea Scroll fragments by digitally acquiring images of DSS and other ancient documents further into the infra red (IR) than film is able. Our project represented an ongoing trend toward collaborations between humanists and their counterparts in the sciences, which has proved particularly useful for scholars in all fields of textual studies (witness the explosive growth
of databases, digital image collections, and graphical representations), and the technique has already contributed to the field by both enhancing readings of previously published documents and providing the basis for more complete and accurate transcription of new publications. Ever since Armin Lange demonstrated on digitized DSS texts (Computer Aided Text-Reconstruction & Transcription: CATT Manual, JCB Mohr, T?bingen [1993])
how using inexpensive desktop programs to manipulate digital texts can provide spectacular results, many scholars are now working with these tools, or are supervising their students, the next generation of scholars as they do so. Now, an increasing number of scholars (within and without the DSS community) who deal with ancient, often severely deteriorated, texts have expressed interest in acquiring IR digital images for themselves. Using the ABMC's new, portable imaging system, we will demonstrate an inexpensive and easy to use system by which scholars can acquire images without the expense of traveling with a team of technicians. Participants will see IR digital images of fragments, some of which will have been newly acquired during the month before the conference. Editors who so desire will have a chance before and during the conference to confer individually with the imaging team to learn how to acquire digital images and use them to
improve readings.

MIREILLE B(LIS
?cole biblique et arch?ologique fran?aise

How to Establish the Original Link between the Scrolls and Their Wrappers

We cannot match the wrappers found in Cave 1 with their scrolls. The Bedouins took the manuscripts and removed the linen in which they were folded. There does not exist any photograph of the original shape of a scroll within its wrapper. Nevertheless, would it be possible to follow a method providing an answer to this particular question? My communication will describe:
1. The linen wrappers found in the cave, and the twenty-two cloths showing lines of two blue wefts; special attention will be paid to the single cloth with an elaborate pattern of intertwining blue rectangles.
2. The method which I imagine can be applied to the linen cloths and to the scrolls found in Cave 1 comprises a study of the traces left on each of the wrappers by the folds, the measures and the shapes of the damaged areas, and compares them with the original measures, and the degradations of the scrolls themselves. Prof. H. Stegemann has described a somewhat different method for the reconstruction of scrolls from scattered fragments. But, as rolling a scroll and folding a cloth around it is another matter, my own procedure, therefore, cannot be exactly the same. But the results of his method are very useful for my own research. My goal is to determine as far as possible if one of the wrappers could fit one of the still existing manuscripts. Because the blue lined rectangles are all different in the wrappers in which they have been woven, it could then be possible to understand if these varying ornaments have a particular meaning related to the content of the text itself.

MOSHE J. BERNSTEIN
Yeshiva University

The Interpretation of the Book of Isaiah at Qumran

The Book of Isaiah was at Qumran one of the most popular works of what we characterize today as the Hebrew Bible. This fact is reflected in the approximately twenty manuscripts of Isaiah found in the caves, and in the five different pesharim on Isaiah found in Cave 4. Various other Qumran documents, such as CD, 4QFlorilegium, and 11QMelchizedek, also contain exegetical remarks on Isaiah. This paper will survey the scope and method
of Qumran interpretation of Isaiah with an eye toward drawing a comprehensive portrait of the ways in which the Qumran community understood and interpreted this biblical book.

SHANI L. BERRIN
New York University

Lemma/Pesher Correspondence

Herbert Basser in "Pesher Hadavar " (RQ 13, 1988) discusses the two antithetical meanings of the root p.sh.r .: "loosening" and "coming together." Many of George Brooke's important discussions of the pesher genre reflect this duality, which may be expressed as tension between "revelation" and "exegesis," or between "atomization" and "correspondence." Etymologically, most Qumran scholars stress the "loosening" aspect of the term pesher . Textually, though, it is the close relationship between pesher and base-text which is stressed in most discussions of the genre. However, this relationship, or "correspondence," has meant different things to different people. To impose some order on the discussion, correspondence may be categorized into three types: numerical, exegetical, and contextual. All three are to be viewed as characteristic of the lemma/pesher relationship.
The correspondence types are illustrated in this presentation by an analysis of 1QS 2:5-10. Though lacking any formulaic introductions or the word "pesher ," this passage may reasonably be called "implicit pesher ." Its particularly clear employment of "pesher -like" techniques provides a useful basis for description.
With the parameters established, the nature of the lemma/pesher correspondence in col.1, of fag. 3-4 of Pesher Nahum is investigated. In Nahum 2:12-13, the prophet employs an extended lion metaphor to describe the status and fate of Nineveh, promising the divine destruction of the seemingly invincible Assyrian Empire. Nahum's depiction of the lion must appropriately reflect both the historical fate of Assyria and the natural behavior of lions. Correspondence between the pesher and its base-text must be sought in some or all of the concepts and elements of the lemma . Interpretations of the pesher must be evaluated in terms of their reflection of such correspondence.

STEVEN W. BOORAS, DONALD W. PARRY AND E.J. WILSON
Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS)

The Dead Sea Scrolls on CD-ROM The FARMS Electronic Database

The FARMS/BYU DSS Database comprises a comprehensive, fully indexed, and cross-linked computerized database of the Hebrew Bible and transcriptions of the non-biblical DSS texts, photographs of the scrolls, and translations. Many of the Database's functions were presented at the 1996 International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls, held at Brigham Young University. This presentation will focus on a single function of the
Database that permits the user to access large quantities of textual material, simultaneously and instantaneously, while searching for single letters, words, phrases, and a combination of words.
The database permits the user to perform both single and multiple word searches by the use of a WordWheel that lists every word with the number of occurrences of each word and a total count in a given text. The WordWheel presents the words in alphabetical order in the text language (Hebrew, English, Greek, etc.), and text windows are created by clicking on a word with the mouse.
The search apparatus permits searching by using wildcards (* = multiple characters or ? = a single character), wherein the user types in three or four characters of a word (which may appear at the beginning, middle, or end of the word, and which may also appear on one, two, or three different lines) and then the search engine seeks all attestations of the characters in the DSS library.
Wildcard searches have assisted the presenters in identifying previously unidentified scroll fragments from 4QSama. We will provide specific examples of successful searches by using the search apparatus. The presentation will be carefully choreographed. Donald Parry will formally present the paper while Steven Booras demonstrates the database by using a computer (we will enlarge the computer screen by using a LCD plate, overhead projector, and screen).

GEORGE J. BROOKE
University of Manchester

Biblical Interpretation in the Qumran Scrolls and the New Testament

The principal purpose of this paper will be to argue that though there are many similarities in method in the handling of scriptural traditions in both the Qumran Scrolls and the New Testament, there is less overlap in content than is often supposed. Examples will be given to illustrate this thesis from five areas of exegesis: the legal use of scripture, the narrative use, the admonitory use, the poetic and liturgical use, and the prophetic use. The most widely known kind of scriptural interpretation which is considered to be characteristic of the community responsible for many of the sectarian scrolls from Qumran is that of pesher . This kind of interpretation of prophetic scriptural texts in the Qumran Scrolls is often thought to lie behind many of the fulfillment quotations in the New Testament. It will be argued, however, that as in other kinds of scriptural interpretation, the differences between Qumran and the New Testament are as important as the similarities. Thus whereas in large measure the interpretation of scripture in the pesharim is controlled by the text of scripture itself, in the New Testament, fulfillment quotations function merely
to illustrate the authority of a narrative based on other assumptions. Overall the paper will make a plea for scriptural interpretation in the Scrolls and the New Testament to be set alongside one another, not so that differences dissolve but for the better understanding of the handling of authoritative traditions in both bodies of texts.

LENA CANSDALE
Semitic Department, University of Sydney

The Metamorphosis of the Name "Qumran"

The name "Qumran" by which the ancient ruins on the western shore of the Dead Sea are known today has come into use only in modern times. We have no sources available to tell us what the settlement was called when it flourished in antiquity.
Two names have been suggested for the settlement when it was first established during the Judean Monarchy period c. 800 BCE; "City of Salt" and "Seccacah". The paper will argue for the more likely choice. For the Second Temple period the name "Citadel of the Pious" has been suggested and will be discussed.
The main part of the paper will concentrate on 19th century explorers and travelers and will trace the possible derivation of the name Qumran from their writings. It will also be suggested that the name could have come down to us from antiquity through the connection of the Dead Sea area with a flourishing perfume industry.

ISRAEL CARMI
Department of Environmental Sciences and Energy Research

Dating Dead Sea Scrolls by Radiocarbon

Radiocarbon and the epoch of the Dead Sea Scroll began close to the founding of the State of Israel and had a brief encounter when W.F.Libby, the inventor of radiocarbon dating, proudly measured the age of the fabric that wrapped a scroll and Yigael Yadin used his data to anchor the time of writing of the scroll.
Following this brief encounter the two disciplines went their own separate ways for some 40 years and met again in the early 90s. Radiocarbon could not be used during this time because it required several grams of organic matter for dating. For the scrolls this implied
a decision between "Scrolls or Dates", with the obvious decision for "Scrolls". During this time interval the discipline of the Dead Sea Scrolls studies refined the dating of scrolls by paleographic analysis, to a resolution of a few decades.
Radiocarbon is produced steadily in the atmosphere and is incorporated in all living matter in a constant proportion relative to its total carbon. When this matter dies it no longer incorporates fresh radiocarbon from the atmosphere and its radiocarbon content now begins to be lost because of radioactive disintegration. This reduces the ratio at a constant rate, so that after 5,700 years (t1/2) only 50% of the original ratio is retained in the matter. This constant rate of decay is the base of radiocarbon dating.
During the 80s, a method of radiocarbon dating that requires minute samples (2 mg of carbon) was brought to maturity (AMS) and this made possible a new series of dating of scrolls. The request for objective dating gained weight in the scrolls community and in 1990 a first series of scrolls were dated in the Zurich AMS facility. In 1995 a second series of samples were dated in the Tucson facility. The Zurich series was used for calibration with scrolls of known ages and the Tucson series included some samples of unknown ages. The agreement between dates of the same scroll in the two laboratories is perfect and the agreement of the dates of the two labs with scrolls of known ages is excellent. The road is now opened for objective dating of Dead Sea Scrolls as necessary.

JAMES CHARLESWORTH
Princeton Theological Seminary

The Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament

The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls and research upon them have significantly enriched our understanding of Second Temple Judaism and the origins of the concepts and writings in the so-called New Testament. Methodologically, it is imperative to ascertain the ideas and technical terms peculiar to the Qumranites and to focus solely on them in seeking to discern possible influences from Qumran upon the NT. Thus, it is imperative to eliminate a possible relationship between Qumran and the NT from traditions and terms that are also found in the Hebrew Scriptures and Jewish writings that also antedate 70 CE. The lecture will evaluate Qumran influences upon John the Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth, and try to explain the widely recognized Qumran influences upon the Gospels of Matthew and John and the writings from the Pauline School.

ESTHER G. CHAZON
Orion Center for DSS and Associated Literature, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

The Function of the Qumran Prayer Texts

The Qumran sect's secession from the Jerusalem Temple created a cultic and spiritual vacuum in the life of that community. This vacuum was filled in large measure by prayer which was conceptualized as "an offering of the lips" (1QS 9:5). Prayer's role at Qumran as a substitute for the Temple cult fostered its development there as a communal, religious institution of worship on fixed occasions (daily, weekly, monthly, and annually). At the same time, as the primary mode of service to and contact with God, prayer flourished at Qumran as a multi-faceted religious phenomenon. Thus, besides fulfilling ritual requirements, providing steady worship, offering constant praise and petitioning for daily needs, prayer also became a medium for experiencing the heavenly realm, a part of eschatological preparations, and a means of affirming commitment to the divine law and sectarian rules. This paper will categorize and characterize the principal functions of the hundreds of prayer texts preserved at Qumran, thereby providing a broad perspective for more specialized research. A main focus of such research will be prayers said on a daily basis which surely must have held a central place and formative position in religious life and thought.

BRUNO CHIESA
Faculty of Letters, University of Pavia

Biblical and Parabiblical Texts from Qumran

The recent publication of a number of Qumran texts clearly related to the Biblical writings, but offering a different arrangement of the contents, not to say additional materials, obliges us to rethink the question of the Biblical "canon" and, more generally, the question of the status of the Biblical writings at the end of the Second Temple period. As appears from studies by M. Kister (RB 97, 1990, 63-67) and R. Bauckham ("Memorial Starcky" II, 1992, 437-445), it seems highly probable that the "Biblical" corpus was at that time more extensive than the one familiar to us. A systematic research into the first Christian works is likely to disclose not only unexpected parallels to some Qumran texts, but also to offer a key for a strictly historically oriented understanding of the progressive constitution of a Biblical "canon".

JOHN J. COLLINS
Divinity School, University of Chicago

Qumran Apocalypticism and the New Testament

Apocalypticism was a world view first developed in Judaism in the books of Enoch and Daniel in the late third or early second centuries BCE. Its distinctive features were a claim to a special kind of revelation, interest in the heavenly world and expectation of a final judgment that would entail reward and punishment of the dead. These books were influential at Qumran, but the sect modified the apocalyptic world view in important ways. Instead of angelic visions, they relied on inspired exegesis as their primary mode of revelation, and they claimed to enjoy in the present the fellowship with the angels that was promised to the righteous after death in Enoch and Daniel.
Jesus of Nazareth bears some superficial similarity to the Teacher of Righteousness insofar as both claim to preach an eschatological message, in the manner of the prophet in Isaiah 61. Their messages, however, were very different, and there is no good evidence that the Teacher was ever regarded as a messiah. The early church resembles the Qumran community insofar as both are apocalyptic communities, that believed they were living in the end of days. The drama of salvation had begun, although the final deliverance was yet to come. But the ethos of the two groups was vastly different. The Dead Sea sect was focused on the Torah, while Christianity became anti-nomian in some (but not all) of its forms. Christianity also attached much more importance to the idea of resurrection, and the veneration of Christ had no real parallel at Qumran.

HANNAH COTTON
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

The Diplomatics of the Greek Documents from the Judean Desert: Linguistic and
Legal Aspects

Diplomatics include the external features of the documents which to varying degrees
throw light on legal and social aspects of the society in which they were written. Therefore, the diplomatics of the documents from the Judean Desert can tell us about Jewish society at the time.
The following elements are included:
1. The material on which the documents are written.
2. The layout of the documents (e.g. double document or single document).
3. The relationship between inner and outer text.
4. The direction of writing, viz. against or along the fibres.
5. The languages employed in the several parts of the document(s).
6. The presence or absence of subscriptions; the function of the subscriber vis-a-vis that of the scribe.
7. The witnesses (technical aspects of placing their signatures; number of witnesses etc.).
8. Dating formulae and the order of the several dates.
9. The presence or absence of a legal representative (guardian) in the case of women,
and their precise function.
I propose to give a short survey of the corpus Greek documentary texts from the Judean Desert, both published and unpublished, based on E. Tov with the collaboration of
S. J. Pfann, The Dead Sea Scrolls on Microfiche , Companion Volume (Revised edition: Leiden, 1995) and on H. M. Cotton, W. Cockle and F. Millar, "The Papyrology of the Roman Near East: A Survey," JRS 85 (1995) 214-35.
The Greek documentary texts from the Judean Desert should be seen in three contexts:
1. The documentary texts in other languages from the Judean Desert, namely Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean.
2. The rapidly growing corpus of Greek papyri from the Aramaic speaking Roman
Near East.
3. Egyptian papyrology.
Although written in several languages, the papyri from the Judean Desert emerged from a single Jewish society of non-Hellenized or only semi-Hellenized Jews. What does the use of the several languages tell us about this society? Does the use of one language, as against others, determine no more than the diplomatics of the documents, or does it reveal to us the coexistence of different legal systems within this society?

SIDNIE CRAWFORD
University of Nebraska

4Q158 as a Manuscript of 4QReworked Pentateuch

4Q158 was originally published by John Allegro in 1968 as a separate manuscript under the title "A Biblical Paraphrase: Genesis, Exodus." However, the editors of 4QReworked Pentateuch (4Q364-367), Emanuel Tov and Sidnie White Crawford, identified in 1992 4Q158 as a fifth manuscript of 4QRP. The paper will first explore the reasons for that identification:
1. 4Q158 contains a running biblical text interlaced with exegetical additions.
2. 4Q158 uses a "proto-Samaritan" base text, as does 4QRP.
3. 4Q158 contains the same type of changes to the biblical text as 4QRP, namely the juxtaposition of non-sequential biblical texts on the basis of subject, the rearrangement of biblical texts, and the insertion of hitherto unknown material into the biblical text (often for harmonizing purposes).
Next, the paper will present three fragments from 4Q158, frgs. 1-2, frg. 4, and frgs. 7-8, which contain changes and/or exegetical additions to 4Q158's base text (the so-called proto-Samaritan text). The paper will discuss the purpose of the changes and the additions, and compare these to similar examples from 4Q364-367, thereby bringing 4Q158 into the broader context of 4QReworked Pentateuch.

ALAN CROWN
University of Sydney

An Alternative View of the Nature of the Qumran Settlement

There is ample evidence that in the century before the fall of the temple the area around Qumran was teeming with people and that Qumran itself was a township that served as a node in the caravan and transit trade between the coast, Jerusalem and Arabia. It was one of a chain of townships and fortresses that was built by the Hasmoneans for the purpose of defense and supply.
The township had no relationship to the Essenes. They lived well to the south at En Geddi as stated by Pliny and other witnesses and confirmed by the Romans in the conquest of Jerusalem when, as part of their reduction of the south, they built the Ascent of the Essenes from En Geddi to Jerusalem and not from Qumran. The large cemetery with nearly a thousand graves remains a key factor. It has been argued that it was the central burial site for the garrisons in the vicinity. It may well have been the burial plot for travelers prevented from going to Jerusalem when they had some sickness. Jerusalem was in many respects a protected and 'clean' city.
It is one thing to argue that Qumran could not have been an Essene site on functional grounds. It is another task that falls to this sort of criticism to explain away the scrolls which gave the Essene identification in the first place. What then were the scrolls that were found at Qumran if they were not Essene?
As others, the author feels that they were a genizah. First, they lacked the book of Esther, not at all an accident but because the Talmud tells us that Esther was not a book which made the hands unclean and it was not intended to be a written tale but an oral performance. Esther was the one book of the Tanakh on which all agreed there need be no genizah. Then, none of the books can be shown to support a philosophy that was only Essene and not Jewish for others. The scrolls represent the latitudiarianism of the first century pre-destruction Jewish philosophies in a period when there were no Jewish sects at all but only "philosophical" differences. If one ignores the Essene identification one could make a case if one tried for the scrolls to represent the Samaritan point of view and Miqtsat Maase Torah makes a case for these scrolls to represent Klal Yisrael in a range of views. Since they do not represent one "sectarian" viewpoint, and since the site was a node with maximum traffic, since the Romans tell us the Essenes were at En Geddi and since it was the central burial ground for a region and for travelers, we can abandon the Essenes and look at the place as holding a genizah.

MARIANNE DACY
Semitic Studies, University of Sydney

The Epistle to Barnabas and the Dead Sea Scrolls

The Epistle to Barnabas, an early Christian document, shows certain characteristics which mirror ideas in Qumran material, and the Judaism of Philo of Alexandria. These characteristics include: an allegorical method of biblical exegesis, the quotation of texts
from the Hebrew Bible and their application to contemporary events, a communal ideal, a
spirituality which reflects high ethical standards, and an emphasis on the concept of "da'at" knowledge. "For the Lord has made known to us though the prophets things past and things present and has given us the first fruits of the taste of things to come...." (Epistle of Barnabas 1.7).
This latter concept of "da'at", as reflection on the interpretation of past, present and future, for example, and other aspects of this concept will be explored in more detail in Barnabas and a selection of Qumran texts such as I QS ix,17ff, I Qp Hab ii.14. etc. so as to gain an insight into a range of ideas current in first century Judaism in the milieu in which the nascent Church arose.

MICHAEL A. DAISE
Princeton Theological Seminary

Biblical Creation Motifs in the Qumran Hodayot

In this paper I will address the question of how biblical creation motifs have been employed in the hymnic literature of Qumran, with particular attention given to the Hodayot (1QH and 4QH fragments). Since Gunkel's work a great deal of attention has been given to the questions of (1) the relationship between biblical and Ancient Near Eastern creation traditions and (2) how biblical creation imagery functioned in the life and faith of Israel. In the Second Temple Period a dramatic shift occurred in the tradition-history of biblical creation imagery, yet little work has been done to trace the changes which took place. Significant examples of this tradition-historical shift are found in the Qumran Hodayot. For instance, the chthonic theme of creation through the irrigation of dry land (used in Genesis 2: 4-25 to depict the making of the primal paradise) is used by the hymnist of 1QH 8.4f. to describe his role as the medium of the divine revelation to the Qumran community (cf. 1QH 8. 4-5 w/Gen 2:8-10). Similarly, the motif of the creation of humanity by fashioning a man out of dust or clay (characteristic of the Mesopotamian Eridu narrative tradition and adopted into Genesis 2:7) is employed throughout the Hodayot to characterize humanity's inherent frailty and sinfulness (cf. 1QH 1.21; 18.31 w/Gen 2:7). Furthermore, the theme of God placing luminaries in the sky to illumine the darkness (used in Genesis 1 to describe the cosmic inauguration of Israel's Heilsgeschichte ) is employed by the hymnist of 1QH 9 to describe his own divine deliverance from the oppression of his enemies (cf. 1QH 9.26-27 w/Gen 1:14-17). This paper will focus on these and other relevant Hodayot passages in order to (1) determine which biblical creation motifs the hymnist of the Hodayot drew upon and (2) discern how the form and function of those motifs were changed in order to serve the hymnists' contemporary religious expression.

DEVORAH DIMANT
University of Haifa

The Qumran Library: Its Content and Character

The study of the Qumran documents is going through a genuine metamorphosis. The old picture which dominated the scene for over thirty years, that of a sectarian library, owned by a small separatist community, is being replaced by the much wider perspective of a rich collection of literary documents, which belonged to a main current in Second Temple Judaism. Such a picture emerges from the constant flow of new publications, and from the complete list of the Qumran manuscripts put now at the disposal of scholars. Besides some 230 biblical manuscripts the library contained nearly 190 manuscripts of sectarian works, and around 240 manuscripts of other compositions which do not contain terminology and ideas typical of the Qumran community. It is this elusive group which has produced most of the surprises. It contains many apocryphal and pseudepigraphic works, some of which were previously known (such as Tobit, 1 Enoch, Jubilees), but many were not. In addition, a number of exegetical compositions, expanding and interpreting the Bible in various ways also came into light. They provide a link between the exegesis found in the late biblical books (such as Chronicles, Ezra-Nehemiah) and that of the later rabbinic midrashim. No less intriguing is the group of Aramaic texts, mostly dealing with haggadic stories about biblical patriarchs. All these documents open new vistas on ancient post-biblical Judaism and on the background and origin of first century Christianity.

LUTZ DOERING
University of G?ttingen

Purity Regulations concerning the Sabbath in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature

In the Dead Sea Scrolls there is a series of purity regulations applying to the sanctification of the Sabbath, such as an obligatory ritual purification before the onset of the Sabbath, a prohibition of wearing filthy clothes, and an interdict of intermingling voluntarily on the Sabbath. Similar concerns are indicated by the prohibition of sexual intercourse on the Sabbath according to the Book of Jubilees, a practice obviously also observed by the early Hasidim. A Sabbath limit of normally 1000 cubits according to the Damascus Document would make it impossible to visit the place of the hand in order to relieve oneself
on the Sabbath, the latter being situated at a distance of 2000 cubits (thus the War Scroll) or even 3000 cubits (thus the Temple Scroll) from the settlement; a similar restriction is reflected in Josephus's account of the Essenes (War 2:147). Besides the questions of carrying the usual mattock, of digging and of covering the excrement on the Sabbath (which actually would not be necessary with regard to the toilet facility according to the Temple Scroll), this restriction may also have a bearing on ritual purity on the Sabbath. In the communication, the purity regulations concerning the Sabbath will be analyzed and be compared with pertinent prescriptions in rabbinic literature. It will be shown that ritual purity on the Sabbath, though not unknown in rabbinic halakha, is a special concern of the priestly halakha represented by the Dead Sea Scrolls and related literature.

KARL P. DONFRIED
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Paul and the Community of the Renewed Covenant: Convergence and Divergence

Paul identified himself as a Pharisee. What kind of a Pharisee was he; what does he mean by using this self-descriptor and how is it that at a number of key points in 1 Thessalonians, his earliest letter, striking similarities to the thought of the community(s) reflected in foundational documents of the Dead Sea Scrolls (henceforth: yahad ) occur both conceptually and linguistically? If Paul is effected by this stream of thought within the pluralism of Second Temple Judaism, can one locate more precisely the point(s) of contact or association? Are the specific terminology and the broader conceptual similarities between the two mediated through earliest Christianity or was the pre-Christian Paul already influenced by the prophetic movement of the yahad ?
In addition to certain eschatological/apocalyptic similarities, other convergent patterns are reflected in the themes of election and the calling of God, holiness/sanctification, the light/day/night/darkness contrasts and the wrath/salvation dualism. Also, closer examination of the exhortation, 1 Thess 5:12-22, may indicate further influence of
yahad language and thought.
For Paul justification is one way to articulate the controlling conception of election. Once this is recognized, then it is necessary to examine in detail the relationship between Paul and the yahad not only in terms of their shared use of the concept of election/predestination, but also such other interconnected, but at times divergent, concepts as sin, works of the law (4QMMT) and salvation.
At critical points it is, both positively and negatively, the influence of yahad , rather than the Pharisaic-rabbinic tradition that is determinative in shaping Paul's pre-Christian Judaism. Does Paul's contact with the yahad Community of the Renewed Covenant facilitate his own dissent from the brand of Pharisaic Judaism that had shaped his own spirituality? Does this tension within Judaism predispose him toward the Jesus movement and its proposed solution to the very issues that had been and were still central to Paul's own religious reflection?

JEAN DUHAIME
Facult? de Th?ologie, Universit? de Montr?al

Recent Studies on Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls

The synthetic view of Qumran messianism elaborated by J. Starky in 1963 has remained the standard a few decades. However, the release of all available texts from Qumran in the early 1990s has prompted new studies which raise important theoretical and methodological problems. This paper will explore some of them by comparing the aims and methods of a few recent studies of messianic texts from Qumran. Attention will be paid to various decisions made by the researchers on the following questions:
Is the study limited to those texts which display a messianic vocabulary (e.g. MSYH), or to those in which a messianic "concept" is found? Is the study limited to texts found at Qumran, to "sectarian" texts, etc.? How are fragmentary texts dealt with? Among the studies to be reviewed are: F. Garc?a Mart?nez, "Messianische Erwartungen in den Qumranschriften", JBTh (1993) 171-208; J. VanderKam, "Messianism in the Scrolls", in E. Ulrich, J. Vanderkam (eds.), The Community of the Renewed Covenant , Notre Dame Univ., 1994, 211-234; E. Puech, "Messianism, Resurrection, and Eschatology at Qumran and in the New Testament", Ibidem, 235-256; J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star. The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Jewish Literature, New York, Doubleday, 1995. I will also pay attention to a few studies that seem promising either to better understand the general context of Qumran messianism (W.M. Schniedewind, "King and Priest in the Book of Chronicle and the Duality of Qumran Messianism", JSJ 45 [1994] pp. 71- 78) or to analyze it from a social scientific standpoint (L. Schiffman, "Messianic Figures and Ideas in the Qumran Scrolls", in J.H. Charlesworth [ed.], The Messiahs . Developments in Earliest Judaism and Christianity , Minneapolis, Fortress, 1992, 116-129). I will also attempt to set my own agenda for a study of Qumran messianism as part of a larger social scientific study of the Qumran community/communities.

TORLEIF ELGVIN
Lutheran Theological Seminary, Oslo

Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Early Second Century BCE: The Evidence of 4QInstruction

4QInstruction preserves the largest amount of material among the wisdom writings from Qumran. Form-critical analysis shows the presence of two literary layers in the book: an older stratum of concise wisdom admonitions, and another, more apocalyptic stratum consisting of longer discourses.
The wisdom admonitions mediate knowledge based on reason, similar to Sirach and Proverbs. The argument is based on this life, not on the hereafter. The admonitions provide guidance for life in family (relations to parents, wife and children) and society (financial matters such as loans, surety and investments; relations to superiors and subordinates, and agricultural topics).
By the mid-second century BCE the book grows: to the admonitions is added a second, apocalyptic, stratum, dependent upon the Enochic tradition and close to the yahad in its world-view. This apocalyptic author moves the perspective to divine mysteries and the end-time restoration of the righteous. He looks forward to the universal judgment in heaven and on earth: angelic powers above and wicked men here below will be judged at God's final intervention. As authority and guiding star for the life of the elect the author does not appeal to the Torah, but to raz nihyeh , the mystery to come, a comprehensive word for God's plan for creation, history and redemption. For this author, God's agent at creation is not 'Lady Wisdom', but raz nihyeh . The divine mysteries have now been revealed to a community described as God's 'eternal planting', the nucleus of the future restored Israel.
The presence of seven copies in Caves 1 and 4 shows that this book was highly regarded in the yahad . We deal with an important source for the development of sectarian theology.

ESTHER ESHEL
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Recensions and Editions of the War Scroll

1QM is a compound composition which was based on different sources. That can be shown by the fact that the same hymn is found twice in 1QM. In the sixties and the seventies different scholars tried to demonstrate how the scribe who composed 1QM had worked.
On this subject one should mention the pioneer work done by three scholar (M.H. Segal, C. Rabin and J.M. Grintz) who published three different articles in the Sukenik volume, published by the Shrine of the Book in 1961; as well as P.R. Davies' book, which appeared in Rome in 1977.
This topic was later neglected because scholars waited for all the 4Q fragments to be published. Now the DJD VII and 4Q471, which is one of the sources of the War scroll were published, it seems to be the appropriate time for reevaluating the question of the sources of 1QM.
In my lecture I would like to deal with two examples which can demonstrate this problem:
1. There are three different recensions of one hymn: the shortest is found in 4QMb (4Q492), the second in 1QM column XIX:5-8 and the longest version is included in column XII:12-15 of 1QM. I would like to show that this hymn was enlarged and therefore the shortest recension is the earlier one.
2. Column 2 of 1QM resembles 4Q471 fragment 1. Recently M. Abegg tried to connect 4Q471 with the Temple Scroll. In my lecture I would like to demonstrate how although there are some common elements shared by the Temple Scroll and the War Scroll, 4Q471 is the source of 1QM and not of the Temple Scroll.

HANAN ESHEL
Bar-Ilan University

Caves and Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period
from the Judean Desert

Between 1947 and 1956 twelve hundred documents were found in the Judean Desert. The earliest document is a papyrus from the end of the First Temple period (seventh century BCE) found in Wadi Murabba'at. The latest ones are from the early Arabic period, found in Khirbet Mird and in Wadi Murabba'at.
After 1965 there was a long gap in finding new documents. Not only that scholars did not find written documents in the Judean Desert, but no documents arrived in the antiquity market as well.
In 1986 I found in a small cave west of Jericho one document from the fourth century BCE, and five from the Bar Kokhba period. In 1993, under the same cave I found a group of documents from the Bar Kokhba period. In my lecture I will discuss these finds.
One can divide the documents found in the Judean Desert (other than Qumran) into three groups:
1. Document from the fourth century BCE from Wadi ed-Daliyeh and Ketef Jericho;
2. Documents from the first century CE, found in Masada and Wadi Murabba'at;
3. The largest group include documents which were brought to different caves in the Judean Desert at the end of the Bar Kokhba Revolt (135 CE).
The last group will be discussed in my lecture. Today we know of 26 caves which were used as refuge caves at the end of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. In eleven of them documents were found. In my lecture I will try to show a pattern that can explain why those specific caves were chosen as refuge caves and what was the origin of the people who found shelter in those caves.

CRAIG A. EVANS
Trinity Western University
Diarchic Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Messianism of Jesus of Nazareth

The diarchic messianism evidently presupposed by some of the Dead Sea Scrolls may clarify Jesus' entry into Jerusalem, his demonstration in the Temple precincts, and the ensuing quarrel with the ruling priests. Some of the Scrolls seem to expect the appearance of two anointed individuals, one of Aaron and one of Israel. Many scholars think the first anointed person is the new High Priest, while the second anointed person is the new king of davidic descent.
While New Testament christology and its subsequent interpretation in the church of the second through fourth centuries tended to fuse all messianic ideas into one unified complex, whereby Messiah Jesus became king, priest, and prophet, messianic expectation of Jesus' time probably envisioned two messianic figures, perhaps preceded by a great prophet. The messianic expectation of the Scrolls probably reflect this view and are not therefore particularly distinctive. Indeed, the expectation of the Scrolls seems pretty much the same as that found in the Hebrew Bible.
Although New Testament scholars typically sift through the Scrolls to find items here and there that potentially shed light on New Testament themes and passages, I propose to review the messianism of Jesus to see what light his teachings and activities may shed on the messianism of the Scrolls. His controversial relationship with Jerusalem's priesthood may clarify certain aspects of the debate relating to the putative messianic diarchism evidenced by the Scrolls.

HEINZ-JOSEF FABRY
University of Bonn
The Reception of the Book of Leviticus in Qumran

In Qumran there exist 18 scrolls with Leviticus texts (incl. 3 RP-scrolls). Additionally, the importance of the Book of Leviticus in Qumran is emphasized by the existence of more than 80 quotations. Two copies in 11Q and several copies in palaeo-Hebrew handwriting show canonical dignity. The distribution of the quotations demonstrates that the book of Leviticus as a whole was well known in Qumran, but special attention was given to Lev 2-5 (sacrifices and offerings), Lev 10-11 (purity /impurity) and parts of the Code of Holiness. On the other hand the wide-spread RP-texts are significant in excluding main parts of the book (Lev 1-10; 14; 17 and 21s.), while now preponderance is given to the purity laws (Lev 11-13). The Temple Scroll (nearly 50 quotations) points out the lasting importance of the priestly laws for the Sanctuary Torah.
Unexpectedly the people of 1QS did not know what to make of the book, while the community of CD accepted at least the laws of leprosy (Lev 13) and of social behavior (Lev 19). The important quotations of Leviticus laws in 4QMMT and Toharot need special attention.
With regard to textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible the Leviticus scrolls show special affinities to pre-masoretic and pre-septuagintic textual traditions, but, after all, the extremely careful and precise reception of the texts evidences what we call "canonical dignity".

DANIEL FALK
University of Oxford
Reconstructing Prayer-Texts from DJD 7

The prayers published by M. Baillet in DJD 7 were for the most part extremely fragmentary and his attempts at reconstruction were only partly successful. This paper proposes several new reconstructions relevant to the texts 4Q503-509.

JOSEPH A. FITZMYER
Catholic University of America, Washington, DC

The Significance of the Hebrew and Aramaic Texts of Tobit from Qumran for the Study of Tobit

The four Aramaic texts of Tobit from Qumran Cave 4 and the one Hebrew text raise the question about the language in which the book was originally written. A case will be made for the composition in Aramaic. These texts, both Aramaic and Hebrew, reveal that the Book of Tobit contained originally all 14 chapters, and so they put an end to the controversy about chaps. 13 and 14, as well as their date and the date of the book as a whole. The Hadrianic date of Tobit is now ruled out. The main problem for future study of Tobit is the relation of the Aramaic and Hebrew texts to the Greek versions (Sinaiticus and
others), the Latin versions (Vetus Latina and Vulgate), and other versions (especially the Syriac).

RICHARD A. FREUND
University of Nebraska at Omaha

A New Interpretation of the Incense Shovels from the "Cave of the Letters"

In 1961, Y. Yadin discovered a hoard of vessels in the Judean desert in a place known today as the "Cave of Letters". Yadin speculated that the hoard containing incense shovels together with elaborately designed patera and 16 other vessels, were taken as booty from a Roman military camp situated almost above the cave. The incense shovels are today displayed in the Shrine of the Book and command some attention both by the public and scholars, despite inevitable questions which relate to their meaning in the general context of the Scrolls and the Letters. It was Yadin's impression that the incense shovels were not in their original archaeological context, but were part of the booty taken by Bar Kokhba's troops. He states rather ambiguously that they were taken from: "...the units of the Roman Legions or the Auxilia, which carried them about for ritual purposes." He was not sure what the "ritual purposes" were, but he, like other writers of the period, assigned them to some ambiguous "pagan" ritual. Yadin did not apparently consider why such a rich hoard of ritual objects would be located in a military camp nor did he attempt to associate them with a specific "pagan" cult.
Since the 1970s much new work has been done both in archaeology and the study of religions in Palestine in this period which add new insights into our understanding of these artifacts and perhaps lend a new interpretation to their presence. The recent discovery at Bethsaida in the Golan of another incense shovel which is extremely similar to one of those found in the hoard of the "Cave of Letters" in a full archaeological context has prompted a much overdue re-examination of the subject of incense shovels found in archaeological contexts in general and the incense shovels of the "Cave of Letters" in particular. This paper will report on these new insights and interpretation.

JOERG FREY
Institut f?r antikes Judentum und hellenistische Religionsgeschichte, T?bingen
The New Jerusalem Text from the Qumran Library in Context
The Aramaic composition describing the "New Jerusalem" is one of the most interesting Qumran texts. However, it has not enjoyed much scholarly interest up till now. Although the six preserved manuscripts are rather late copies, the composition seems to be of an earlier origin and probably non-sectarian. This is suggested by its language and by its content which has no specific sectarian elements.
The paper will take an attempt to understand the description of the eschatological Jerusalem in its historical and traditio-historical context: It will provide a general comparison of the town plan in this composition with the plan of contemporary Jerusalem and with the plans of other cities in the Greco-Roman world. Then the outlines of the description of the town and its temple will be located within the tradition of similar descriptions from Ezekiel down to the Johannine Apocalypse.

IDA FR(HLICH
P?zmany P?ter Catholic University

The Theme of the Land in Qumran

Promising the land of Canaan to the Patriarchs and occupying it by their descendants is a major theme of the narratives in Hexateuch. Particular laws of the Leviticus (Holiness Code), Numbers, and Deuteronomy reflect an idea of the holiness of the land: the violation of taboos concerning sexual relations ('zenut'), blood, the dead, mixing, and magic result in defiling the land and its inhabitants being wiped out of it.
Qumran literature shows apparently meager evidence of the theme of the land. However, the idea of entering the land is a fundamental idea of some basic works. The Damascus Document, using plant imagery, speaks of the members of the 'new covenant' as of a group returning from the exile and entering the promised land: "in the 'age of wrath' God caused to grow forth Israel and Aron a plant root to possess his land (CD I. 7-8)." The audience of the Rule of the Community (1QS) is considered as the rest of Israel resettling in the land. Israel, the addressee of the Temple Scroll is a holy group entering the land in order to inherit it, under condition of considering the laws concerning the holiness of the land.
Entering and occupying the land is the theme of several recently edited texts of Cave 4 (4Q371-72; 374; 4Q378; 4Q522). Other texts like the Genesis Apocryphon, 4Q252, the historical survey of the Damascus Document (CD II.14-III.7) - all of them discontinuous narratives written with exegetical purposes - retell stories from the antediluvian and patriarchal tradition, apparently without any dependence upon the theme of the land. However, they reflect a deep awareness of the tradition of the holiness of the land and the danger of defiling it. Taking a view on the human history according to the biblical tradition they set examples of the righteous and the sinner: the sinner whose sins result in defiling and losing the land, and the righteous, who enter the land and inherit it.

RUSSELL FULLER
Department of Religious Studies, University of San Diego
Thoughts on the Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible and the Production of a
New Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text

With the recent publication of the majority of biblical manuscripts from Qumran, especially Cave 4, textual critics of the Hebrew Bible may well be in a position which has never existed in the discipline. After fifty years of modern editorial activity by a small army of scholars the vast majority of Hebrew biblical manuscripts are now available to scholars. Textual critics are now in a position to make use of that easily accessible material.
For the Twelve Minor Prophets there is also the important Greek manuscript from the Nahal Hever in addition to seven Hebrew biblical manuscripts and numerous commentaries. Volume 15 of DJD, devoted to the prophets material, is now available. There are three projects currently underway which attempt to either utilize this material for textual criticism or to make the readings of these manuscripts even more accessible to scholars: The Biblia Hebraica Quinta, the Biblia Qumranica, and the hand-edition of the manuscripts to be published by Oxford.
Yet only the Biblia Hebraica Quinta makes use of these materials in order to produce a critical edition of the Hebrew Text. As is well known, the BHQ as also the HUBP is a diplomatic edition. This paper argues for the creation of a new critical (eclectic) edition of the Hebrew Bible utilizing all of the available textual evidence to "produce a text as close as possible to the original." With the availability of the biblical manuscripts from Qumran, the improved understanding of the history of the Greek and Hebrew texts, and the advances in study of the ancient versions, the time has come for textual critics to produce the first eclectic critical edition of the Hebrew Bible. A sample based on the text of the Book of Malachi will be given with the paper.

FLORENTINO GARC(A MART(NEZ
University of Groningen
The Temple Scroll and the New Jerusalem

The research on the biblical scrolls from Qumran has already proved the advantages of the hermeneutic model of multiple literary editions to solve the complex problems posed by the presence in the library of Qumran of the different texts of several biblical books, and has helped to understand the process of growth and standardization of the biblical text. This hermeneutic model could be equally useful to solve the problems posed by different forms of non-biblical or clearly sectarian compositions. This model is particularly promising for the study of compositions attested in widely different forms in different manuscripts, such as the Hodayot , the War Scroll , the Rule of the Community , or even the Damascus Document , but it could be equally useful to solve the problems posed by other compositions also attested in several copies.
The paper will examine all the manuscripts which are witnesses of, or are related to, the Temple Scroll and the New Jerusalem . The Temple Scroll is known in three copies (4Q524, 11Q19, and 11Q20) and two other manuscripts have been tentatively assigned as possible copies of the same composition (4Q365a and 11Q21). The New Jerusalem is attested in six copies (1Q32, 2Q24, 4Q554, 4Q555, 5Q15, and 11Q18). And of both compositions (11QTemple and 11QNJ) it has been asserted that we have recovered at least two different redactions.
This paper will critically examine the reasons put forth to justify the designation of 4Q365a and of 11Q21 as Temple Scroll , as well as the reasons which have lead to postulate different redactions for the Temple Scroll and for the New Jerusalem , and will ascertain if the hermeneutic model of "multiple editions" can be of any help to solve the problems of these compositions.

RUSSELL GMIRKIN
Beaverton, Oregon, USA
The War Scroll, the Boycott of the Temple, and the Maccabean Conflict

Identification of the War Scroll as the military manual of the Maccabean army points to its authors at the Hasidim, the militant defenders of mainstream Judaism during the Hellenistic crisis. This in turn suggests that the "sectarian" boycott of the temple in the scrolls reflects the historical boycott of the Hellenized temple cult by the Hasidim ca. 170-164 BCE. Drawing on the War Scroll and the Animal Apocalypse, three distinct phases in the history of the Hasidim can be detected. The Hasidim arose in the period ca. 200-170 BCE as a reform party in Jerusalem opposed to the Hellenists. The first recension of Jubilees, both pro-temple and anti-Hellenist, reflects this early phase.
The murder of the Hasidim leader Onias III in 170 BCE signaled the start of a new phase, the Era of the Dominion of Belial (or Wicked Era), when the Hasidim boycotted Jerusalem and her temple and engaged in active military opposition to the Hellenists. "Sectarian" documents such as the Damascus Document and Community Rule envisioning the faithful of the covenant living in wilderness military camps and boycotting the temple reflect the historical realities of this period. The cleansing of the temple in the land sabbath year 164/163 BCE, alluded to in 1QM 1-2 (along with Maccabean military victories of that same year), signaled an official return to the temple and Jerusalem. The final redaction of the War Scroll belongs to this phase.
In summary, the boycott of the temple, previously considered a defining characteristic of the Dead Sea Scrolls "sect," may instead reflect the relatively brief opposition to the Hellenists by mainstream Judaism during the Maccabean conflict, and the scrolls may consist in large part of the revered literature of the Hasidim.

NORMAN GOLB
Oriental Institute, University of Chicago
Recent Arguments in Defense of the Qumran-Essene Theory of Scroll Origins
A Response

During the past few years, several arguments and claims have been presented whose purpose has been to strengthen the theory that an Essenic or similar sect was established at Khirbet Qumran and either wrote or otherwise possessed the Dead Sea Scrolls. Some of these arguments and claims have been of an archaeological, and others of a textual and palaeographic nature. The paper analyzes the several proposals, focusing in particular on the claim that the term "Yahad" or "Layahad" appears in the ostracon discovered approximately one and a half years ago outside the walls of Khirbet Qumran.

KIRA N. GOUROVSKAYA
Jewish University in Moscow

Qumran Documents and Revelation of John: Some Parallels and
Possible Origin of a Tradition Used in Revelations

Some textual parallels in Qumran documents to the Greek text of Revelation of John have been studied and results have been applied to the discovery of original meanings of symbols in Revelation.
Considering parallels in the Commentaries on Habaqquq, Nahum and Micah to Rev 17 and 18, the symbol of "harlot" in Rev is suggested to be related to Jerusalem rather than Rome. It has been shown, that the "harlot" might be also associated with Jerusalem priesthood, an appropriate Qumran parallel being "the wicked priest" described in the Commentary on Habaqquq (1QpHab VIII, 8-13; IX, 3-7; XII, 6-9). Reasons for this interpretation include description of garments for priests in Exodus, which coincides with the description of priests' garments in the War Scroll (1QM VII, 9-11) and roughly corresponds to the description of the "harlot"'s dressing in Rev 17 (see J.M. Ford, Revelation, 1975).
The Commentary on Habaqquq accuses "the wicked priest", who "committed deeds of abomination and defiled the Temple of God". This fragment reminds of the "abomination" in the "harlot"'s name in Rev 17:5, indicating a possible reference in Rev to the defilement of the Temple by Romans in I CE. The Commentary also speaks about destruction of Jerusalem and death of "the wicked priest" from the hands of "Kittim", who are most likely to be Romans of I BC. One can consider this Qumran tradition as one of possible sources of Revelation of John, used at appropriate events at the end of I CE.
Among other parallels in Qumran Scrolls to the Revelation are fragments from the Commentary on Psalm 37 and Florilegia (4QFlor). This might indicate, that liturgical hymns cited in Revelation were similar to those used in Qumran community.

DENIES GREEN
University of Waikato
Emanuel Tov's Fifth Criterion for Determining the Provenance of Judean Desert Manuscripts: Accentuation Techniques for the Divine Name in Qumran and Rabbinic Literature.

Emanuel Tov lists 5 criteria with which to establish sectarian provenance of a number of Judean Desert manuscripts. He claims that the accumulative force of these criteria is such that we can determine the origin even of small fragments.
Tov considers criterion five to be dealing with the question of the writing of the Divine Name(s) in paleo-Hebrew script. However this scribal phenomenon is problematised by the diversity of both the number of proposed Divine Names and the number of different methods in which these names are differentiated from the rest of the text.
We will suggest that Tov's description of the Halakhic ideology behind this scribal practice is flawed, and as a result this criterion cannot be used as evidence for concluding that a given document was penned by the "Qumran System" Scribal School. It is only when we correctly understand the Halakhic background of the practice that we can contextualise the practice. We agree with Tov that 'the Qumran scribal custom reflects the spirit of the rabbinic law,' but this is the very reason that this scribal practice, once correctly understood, cannot be used to establish provenance.

DOUGLAS M. GROPP
The Catholic University of America
The Wadi Daliyeh Documents Compared to the Elephantine Documents

Despite the fact that the Samaria papyri and the Elephantine legal papyri are drafted in virtually the same language (Official Aramaic), within the same general temporal horizon (the Persian period), and despite a number of striking similarities in their legal formulation, the formularies as a whole stem from fundamentally different legal traditions. The legal genres are only partly comparable between the two corpora. Most of the Samaria
papyri are deeds of sale (especially of slaves), whereas deeds of outright sale are poorly represented at Elephantine. On the other hand, the interesting marriage contracts of Elephantine find no counterpart among the Samaria papyri. Comparison between the two corpora must be based on deeds of conveyance. The formulary for the Samaria papyri is considerably more fixed than that of the Elephantine deeds of conveyance, both in the phrasing of individual clauses and in the ordering of the clauses within the formulary.
Important similarities include the overall structure of the deeds, orientation to the alienor, subjective formulation of at least some of the parts, a receipt-quittance clause, a defension clause in a few instances, and most strikingly in the function and distribution of (allit clauses. Both formularies evidence an extended symbiosis between Aramean and Akkadian scribes.
But the two cases of symbiosis are parallel rather than homologous. The sale formulary of the Samaria papyri derives from Aramaic contacts with cuneiform models from the late Neo-Babylonian period of Darius I. The Elephantine schema of deeds of conveyance, on the other hand, has its closest contacts with a somewhat provincial Neo-Assyrian tradition, probably of the late ninth or early eighth century.

ITHAMAR GRUENWALD
Tel Aviv University
Patterns of Apocalyptic Ethos: The Case of Qumran

Apocalypticism is generally described in terms of a movement, a literary genre, a religious trend. Its sectarian configurations are highlighted, too. It is considered a characteristic manifestation of groups that found themselves in political or religious stress, mostly in the Second Temple period. Recent studies have shown that Apocalypticism can be found in later periods, and to some extent even in the modern world, facing the turn of the millennium.
The present paper will investigate further aspects of Apocalypticism that have hitherto received only cursory attention. The major perspective taken will be that of Religious Studies. The question will be asked: How should Apocalypticism be studied when taken as a subject of Religious Studies? This question has never before received proper methodological and disciplinary attention.
In line with the above, the major feature that will receive attention will be that of Transformation. In the case of the Qumran writings, that have been characterized as apocalyptic, the aspects of Transformation both in a sectarian and a non-sectarian setting will receive due attention. The subjects that will come under discussion will be sub-sectioned in the framework of Substitution. Here matters regarding the social, cultic and ideological kinds of substitution will be discussed.
One of the results of this kind of investigation will, it is hoped, draw attention to the presence of apocalyptic features even in non-apocalyptic writings. This kind of discussion strives at defining the "Apocalyptic Ethos" and its major culture-creating features.

RACHEL HACHLILI
University of Haifa
The Qumran Cemetery Reconsidered

This paper will reconsider the question of the Qumran cemetery, the burial customs and the identity of the interred.
Comments on the following points will be discussed:
1. The type and character of the Qumran tombs: organization, orientation and form.
2. The Qumran wooden coffins.
3. The number of graves.
4. Some finds from the cemeteries.
5. The question of the similar shaft tombs around Jerusalem.
6. The Jewish burial practices at Qumran.

DANIEL J. HARRINGTON
Weston Jesuit School of Theology
The Qumran Sapiential Texts in the Context of Biblical (OT and NT) and Second Temple Literature

The Qumran library provides the earliest extant manuscripts of biblical wisdom books (Job, Proverbs, Qohelet, and Sirach). The extra-biblical sapiential texts expand the corpus of wisdom hymns and poems as well as the corpus of wisdom instructions. They personify to some extent Lady Folly and Lady Wisdom (though not as dramatically as Proverbs 8, Sirach 24, Wisdom 7 and 1 Enoch 42 do). The wisdom instructions provide further treatments of such standard wisdom topics as financial dealings, social relations, family matters, persons to be avoided and cultivated, the nature of happiness, and so forth. They present wisdom teachings in the context of creation and eschatology, link wisdom and the Torah, emphasize God as the source of true wisdom and the need for divine revelation, and add to the corpus of Jewish wisdom texts about women. The major problem raised by these texts is their relation to the Qumran community or sect.

HANNAH HARRINGTON
Patten College, Oakland, CA
The Nature of Purity at Qumran

The debate over the issue of moral and ritual purity continues with many scholars concluding that among the Qumran sectarians there was no differentiation between the two. A strong argument for this view has been the fact that water immersion was required for both the sinner and the ritually impure. However, the full implications of this claim have not been recognized. It is perhaps true that the sinner was regarded as both morally
and ritually impure since he must immerse in water and must not touch the pure food, personnel or property of the community until he has done so. However, the converse, that the mildly impure is to be regarded as a sinner, cannot be the case.
Some have pointed to the penitential pleas of the impure as evidence that they were in fact regarded as sinners. While it is the case that certain severely impure persons were regarded as sinners (e.g. the leper and the gonorrheic, cf. also biblical and rabbinic literature), this is not the case for all ritually impure persons. For example, those who have touched a corpse, while they are temporarily barred from holy areas, are never considered sinners.
Thus, while it may be attractive to assert that the sectarians made no distinctions between moral and ritual impurity, the reality is not so simple. The sectarians espoused a system of impurity which parallel biblical and rabbinic norms. Penalties for the sinner are clearly stated while the mildly impure person merely submits to a simple purification process. The sinner must immerse in water symbolizing his new status as fit to stand before God as
a member of the righteous community, nevertheless, this requirement is not sufficient evidence for the equation of moral and ritual impurity at Qumran.

CHARLOTTE HEMPEL
University of Birmingham, UK
4QOrda (4Q159) and the Laws of the Damascus Document

I will attempt to show that 4Q159 (Ordinances), which has a number of affinities with the laws of the Damascus Document, may go back to a similar or even the same community or movement as parts of the laws of the Damascus Document. I will spell out the relationship between 4Q159 and parts of the Laws of the Damascus Document, in particular the general halakhah, by looking at a number of areas of correspondence between both texts.

RONALD S. HENDEL
Southern Methodist University
The Text of the Torah after Qumran: Prospects and Retrospects

With the completion of the editio princeps of the Pentateuchal texts from Qumran in DJD 9 (1992), 12 (1994), and 14 (1995), it is appropriate to consider some goals for future research. One such area is the study of the stemmatic relationships among the Qumran texts and the other texts and versions. Much progress has been made but a more comprehensive treatment is now a desideratum. The problem of adequate methodology in this area requires careful attention, particularly the relative merits of statistical vs. genealogical methods. A second area is the use of Qumran texts in critical editions.
The dominant model, enshrined in the ongoing Hebrew University Bible and Biblia Hebraica Quinta projects, is to include either all (HUB) or some (BHQ) readings
of Qumran variants from MT (or, more precisely, from a particular exemplar of MT) in the apparatus of a diplomatic edition. It is worth considering whether the field would now be better served by the production of fully critical texts of (at least) the Torah, which arguably the knowledge gained from the study of the Qumran texts makes possible. The production of such texts is the theoretical goal of textual criticism, and may be a pragmatic goal for the books of the Torah.

MOSHE DAVID HERR
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

A Reevaluation of the Significance of the Recently Published Halakhic Materials from Qumran

The problem of the identity of the Qumran Sect has been baffling scholars for the last fifty years (or even for the last one hundred years if one takes into account the attempts to identify the provenance of the Damascus Document, discovered and published by
S. Schechter). Needless to say, the criteria for attempts have been ideological (i.e. theological) as well as "halakhic" data. The results have not been too satisfactory and no opinio communis has been reached, although most scholars have come to the conclusion that the Qumran sect is to be identified with the so-called Essenes described by Philo, Pliny, and Josephus. The recently published and already much discussed MMT has reopened the whole question. Some scholars have argued that the "halakha" of the MMT is that of the Sadducees, hence that the Qumran Sect is to be identified with the latter group. My paper will try to demonstrate why such conclusions are contrary to any criteria of statistical significance and are quite unconvincing.

YIZHAR HIRSCHFELD
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
The Architectural Context of Qumran

At the well-known site of Khirbet Qumran northwest of the Dead Sea, the remains of a large complex from Late Hellenistic and Early Roman periods were discovered. An architectural examination of the site reveals that this type of complex was not uncommon; in recent years a number of similar sites were discovered in Herodian Judea. These sites are distinguished by their size, strategic position, and plan, which includes a fortified tower with dwelling quarters, agricultural installation, and water systems. On the basis of these data and comparison with the literary sources, these sites may be defined as manor houses of well-to-do landlords who benefited from the flourishing economy that followed the Roman conquest of the East.
An analysis of the remains from Qumran attests to its function as the nucleus of a large estate located probably near 'Ein Feshka, south of Qumran, a place where cultivation of date palms and balsam was possible. The purpose of my lecture is to show Qumran in its context, as part of a settlement pattern which characterized Judea during the first centuries before and after the Common Era. The typological resemblance between Qumran and other sites may shed new light on the identification of Qumran's inhabitants during this period.

TAL ILAN
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Jewish Women's Archives in Antiquity What Did They Contain?

With the discovery and publication of the Babatha archive, the question of the documents Jewish women possessed in Antiquity could commence. The Babatha archive is itself a combined archive of two women - Babatha and her step-daughter Shelamzion - since three of the documents therein had clearly belonged to the latter. A third woman's archive, that of Salome Komaise, has recently been reconstructed and published by Hannah Cotton. The three archives diverge somewhat, but all three women were apparently in possession of three sorts of documents: a marriage contract, a deed of gift and a third document, in which a third party renounces his right to a certain property the woman possesses.
It appears to me to be of no small consequence that the archives of Jewish women in Elephantine, written more than 500 years earlier and in a distant province of the Persian empire, include, beside others, also these three documents. In this paper I shall present the evidence, and time permitting, will attempt to explain the significance of this find.

EFRAIM ISAAC
Institute of Semitic Studies, Princeton University
Textual Problems in 4QEnoch

After the publication of the Qumran Enoch fragments by Milik (1976), several reviews were published criticizing the work. However, surprisingly less than half a dozen articles specifically focus on the integrity of the readings and the restoration of the texts. Most of the critical works deal with the author's interpretations of Enochic traditions (in particular, the author's relegation of the so-called parables of Enoch to a post-Christian date...). In spite of the criticisms in fact numerous articles and books have been written about the Enochic traditions taking the published text or granted and claiming that the publication has shed new lights on I Enoch.
The readings by Milik of the available fragments are by and large quite remarkable; however, they are not beyond criticism. On the other hand, the attempted restorations are to a great extent highly questionable, often unwarranted or not following Semitic idioms despite such claim. For instance, at 4Ena1 i En 1:1 ??? [???? ?????...] construction is not necessarily called for. There is no reason why this construction is preferable to ??? [???? ? ?????...] : a good Semitic language pattern not only in Aramaic but also in Ethiopic. There is room for the conjunctive ? between the two words as the ( in the Ethiopic text. Other similar examples can also be adduced.
Secondly, contrary to what Milik and others have suggested, the Qumran fragments of the Book of Enoch confirm that the Ethiopic text is a reliable rendition of the works attributed to Enoch. The untenable claim made by those scholars is either made because of the use of late Ethiopic MSS or misreadings in the restorations of the Qumran fragments. I have elsewhere tried to demonstrate this with several examples (Golomb: Lambdin Festschrift, 1987).
It is of course important for historians of religion to study published texts and the history of ideas and their interpretations. However, using 4QEnoch as an example, I shall discuss the need for scholars not only to concentrate on such work, but also to examine and reexamine published texts with view to debate more and understand better the readings and their restorations.

GILA KAHILA BAR-GAL, P. SMITH, E. TCHERNOV, S. WOODWARD
AND C. GREENBLATT
The Kuvin Center, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
DNA Analysis of the Judean Scrolls

Development of improved molecular techniques over the last few decades have made it possible to open up new areas of research in archaeology and history. One application of these techniques is being used to help resolve a number of questions concerning the Dead Sea Scroll parchments.
Through amplification of different areas of DNA (using the polymerase chain reaction or PCR) from organic matter, sequence information can be used to look at the identity of the individual or species of the source of the material under study. Two genetic regions used in our research were: the cytochrome b gene, which varies little between individuals but can be used to resolve species differences; and the D-loop region, used to resolve individual differences in populations and herds.
DNA analysis was carried out to identify the animal species that were used to produce the Dead Sea Scroll parchments. As base line material the mitochondrial DNA of ruminants, both primitive and modern, were determined. By comparing these to Temple Scroll material we were able to identify the animal source of the parchments as goats.
Secondly using variation between the DNA extracted from different fragments we verified tentative joins on the Temple Scroll and hope to reveal some new joins using other fragments in the future.
As well as aiding in the study of the literal significance of the scrolls, extraction from the parchments provides archaeozoologists with an unprecedented collection of animal skins from a past ruminant population. If a DNA can be obtained from a representative number of the scrolls, then the population of animals that were used to make the parchment can be identified. With further comparisons using contemporaneous bone material from Qumran it is envisaged that it will be possible to study the parchment industry and trade. This will also assist in answering the question concerning whether Qumran was the center of parchment production.

JOHN KAMPEN
Payne Theological Seminary
Lady Wisdom in Qumran Texts and the Gospel of Matthew

The recently published texts from Qumran containing references to wisdom provide significant new evidence for the development of its use within Second Temple Judaism. This paper will attempt to integrate the evidence for its use in literary contexts which concentrate on themes on dualism and eschatology into the conception of wisdom as Torah, also documented in other literature of that era, such as Ben Sira. This analysis suggests that the social setting and function of wisdom in the Qumran literature also requires reexamination in light of the hypothesis which finds wisdom to be characteristic of the aristocratic and/or learned classes of Jewish society. This portrayal of wisdom in Qumran literature provides a new context for the evaluation of its use in the Gospel of Matthew, particularly Matthew 11:25-30. The significance of such an analysis for understanding this gospel's social history will be developed.

ASHER SELIG KAUFMAN
Jerusalem, Israel

The Courts of The First Temple and theTemple in the Temple Scroll

Previous scholars (e.g. Yadin, Maier and Delcor) have compared the descriptions of the courts of the temple in the Temple Scroll with those of the First Temple, the Temple of Ezekiel and the Second Temple.
The purpose of this article is to show that archaeological evidence in the temple area of Jerusalem has rendered possible detailed comparison of the courts in the Temple Scroll with those of the First Temple.
There are three courts in both temples. However, in the First Temple only the Court of the Priests and the second court were concentric. The northern and western walls of the second court and of the third court, the Great Court (I Kings 7:9, 12), coincided. This arrangement places the first two courts asymmetrically in the north-western corner of the Great Court, in contrast to the arrangement in the Temple Scroll.
The external dimensions of the Great Court were 500 cubits by 500 cubits (cubit of 42.8 cm), as in the second court of the Temple Scroll. The dimensions of the other courts of the First Temple, based on the 1:2 relation of the Tent of Meeting, contrast further with those of the Temple Scroll. There is one further dimension common to both temples, namely 300 cubits. This was the external length of the second court in the First Temple, the same length as in the Court of the Priests in the Temple Scroll.
It would seem that Josephus did not describe the First Temple in terms of the Temple of the Temple Scroll.

ISRAEL KNOHL
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Menahem The Messiah of Qumran

The figure in the "Self-Glorification Hymn" is, in my view, a historical figure. This figure, entitled "the King's friend," is in my view Menahem the Essene, who had a friendly relationship with Herod, and who served as the head of the court beside Hillel. According to the Talmudic tradition, Menahem and his followers were later excommunicated. His messianic self-image can be explained in light of the conditions of his time: the return of the Qumran community to Jerusalem and his elevation to high status in the Herodian administration. Menahem's Messianic conception had a significant influence upon the formation of Jesus' self-understanding and his messianic expectation.

JOSE KRASOVEC
University of Ljubljana

The Confessional Prayer in 1QS 1.24-26 and CD 20.28-30

A great number of similar phrases of confessional prayers in the Bible (cf. especially
1 Kgs 8;47; Ezek 2:3; Ps 106:6; Dan 9:5; Neh 9:33; 2 Chr 6:37) and some other Jewish sources encourages us to make a fuller examination of arrangement of the verbs and other linguistic components in the light of their function within their immediate and wider contexts. Such examination shows that confession of sins is one of the most universal characteristics of the Jewish liturgy, and is therefore applicable to various circumstances and occasions. It reflects a conventional language, a common Jewish heritage of established phraseology, regularly employed to express confession of sins in various situations and combinations. One important occasion for reciting the formula is the annual renewal of the covenant as described in the Qumran Rule of the Community 1.16-2.18. It is obvious that an older cultic usage must lie behind the Qumran liturgy. The nature and extent of the phenomenon of repeated phrases confirms the theory of strong influence of the cult in Jewish religious literature. The main purpose of the paper is to establish the nature of the tradition, its origin, and its background.

HEINZ-WOLFGANG KUHN
University of Munich

Qumran Texts and Historical Jesus. Parallels in Contrast

In the enormous amount of literature on Qumran and Jesus one finds more or less important similarities and differences, but generally misses the few decisive items to be worked out clearly. I will not get into the problem of John the Baptist, which is not very helpful here, and the sensational speculations which are not, or hardly, worth discussing (like a direct connection between Jesus and the Essenes); nor will I discuss what was shared by Jesus and these Essenes with many other Jews (especially the concept of one and the same God, more or less the same Hebrew Bible as A guiding source and also the expectation of the eschaton). I will concentrate my approach on a few fundamental questions of the problem concerning only the historical Jesus on the one hand and the Community of the Qumran texts on the other. The decisive problems to be discussed are: in the first place the observance of the Torah (Is an assumed loose observance of halakhah in the Galilee and the Gaulanitis the background for the attitude of Jesus?), further eschatology (How do future and present relate in the eschatology of the Qumran Community and Jesus?), the commandment of mutual love in the Hebrew Scriptures (love of an enemy against hate of all non-covenanters) and charismatic leadership (Jesus and the Teacher of Righteousness). Can a critical approach really show that Jesus was influenced in any way by the covenanters? How do we consider the "Sons of Light" in the parable of the Unjust Steward in Luke 16:8?

ARMIN LANGE
Institut f?r antikes Judentum und hellenistische Religionsgeschichte, T?bingen

Eschatological Wisdom in the Book of Qohelet and the Dead Sea Scrolls

Before the Dead Sea Scrolls were found it was difficult to comprehend how the second redaction of the book of Qohelet (8,5f; 11,9c; 12,12-14) which introduced eschatological thought into the book could have existed in a sapiential context. After the preliminary publication of several manuscripts attesting to different wisdom texts in which eschatology is an important issue this redaction can be localized with more certainty.
The Book of Mysteries alludes to Qoh 6:8 or 6:11 (1Q27 1 ii 3). That is remarkable because Qohelet was seldom recognized in Second Temple literature. In the Book of Mysteries and the musar lemebin (olim Sapiential Work A) - a text which was written somewhat earlier by members of the same circle in which the Book of Mysteries originates - eschatological thought is of importance. In the musar lemebin not only the idea of an eschatological judgment is expressed but the same term as in the second redaction of Qohelet is used to designate it, i.e. mishpat .
Therefore there is a certain probability that the second redaction of Qohelet can be localized in the same circle in which the Book of Mysteries and the musar lemebin were written.

ERIK LARSON

Florida International University

The Relation between the Greek and Aramaic Texts of Enoch

Scholarship was greatly enriched by the discovery at Qumran of seven manuscripts of a work known as the Book of Enoch. Students of this book had long recognized that it is not a literary unity but rather a collection of at least five separate works forming an Enochic Pentateuch, each of which has its own history of development. The Qumran manuscripts have, in general, confirmed the correctness of these views.
Prior to the discovery of the Scrolls, the Book of Enoch had only been known through translations into such languages as Greek, Ethiopic, Latin, Syriac, and Coptic. Of particular importance among these is the Greek version since it was from this translation the others were likely made. Knowledge of the Greek text has come primarily through the discovery of several, unfortunately incomplete, manuscripts that were among the finds of papyri uncovered in Egypt at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries. In addition, several long quotations appear in the work of the Byzantine writer George Syncellus.
The Aramaic fragments found at Qumran have confirmed the view, long held by many scholars, that a Semitic original lay behind the previously known Greek text. They also make it possible for the first time to compare the translation to the original and thereby gain valuable knowledge not only regarding the text and redaction of the book itself, but also concerning the practice of the translation of Jewish writings in antiquity.
The present paper will examine the relation between the Greek and Aramaic texts and consider such issues as the development of the Enochic corpus, the existence of differing recensions within the Aramaic and Greek manuscript traditions, and the style of the Greek