An International Congress
THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS
FIFTY YEARS AFTER THEIR DISCOVERY
Major Issues and New Approaches
PHILIP S. ALEXANDER
University of Manchester
Palaeography, "Codicology" and the History of Serekh
ha-YahadMore copies of the Community Rule survive than of any other
sectarian text from Qumran. These copies are spread over at least
150 years and are very diverse as to their handwriting, size, material,
general presentation and physical form. This data will be surveyed
and an attempt made to integrate it into an account of the transmission
and use of the Community Rule at Qumran. It will be argued that
any redaction-history of Serekh ha-Yahad which relies only on internal
literary and textual analysis, and does not make use of the external
physical evidence for transmission is incomplete; any redaction-history
that clearly runs counter to the external physical evidence is flawed.
It will also be argued that the history of the copying of the Community
Rule may provide a secure starting-point for a discussion of scribal
practice at Qumran. It is unclear just how many of the Scrolls were
actually copied at Qumran. Most would now concede that at least
some of the Dead Sea manuscripts were copied elsewhere and brought
to Qumran. Not every Scroll is, therefore, evidence for scribal
practice at Qumran. The Community Rule is the sectarian text par
excellence , and it is a reasonable assumption that its surviving
copies were all made at Qumran. It survives in a sufficient number
of copies, spread over a sufficient period of time to provide some
insight into the distinctive practices of the Qumran "scriptorium."
What emerges if we assume that the Serekh ha-Yahad scribal practices
are "normative" and compare these with the practices found
in the other manuscripts of the Dead Sea cache?
Norwegian Lutheran School of Theology
Melchizedek and Levi
The portrait of Levi in certain Jewish works of the Second Temple
period (the Aramaic Levi Document, Jubilees 30-32, the Greek Testament
of Levi) shares some interesting features with the image of Melchizedek
in the Hebrew Bible. Like Melchizedek in Gen 14:18-20, Levi is called
"priest for the Most High God," and he is connected with
the tithe. Like the priest "according to the order of Melchizedek"
in Ps 110:4, Levi is proclaimed as "priest forever."
While these similarities have long been noted, opinions about their
significance differ. Especially intriguing is the question of an
eventual connection with the Hasmonean rulers. This raises the issue
of the date and tendency of the Levi texts: Are they pro-Hasmonean,
anti-Hasmonean, or pre-Hasmonean? Or do they rather represent different
opinions or stages of tradition? A related issue concerns the dating
of the Melchizedek texts of the Hebrew Bible. Hasmonean dates have
recently been proposed for both Gen 14 and Ps 110.
The paper will reassess the question of the relationship between
the Melchizedek and Levi traditions, in the light of recent research
on the Qumran fragments of the Aramaic Levi Document and the Book
Jewish History Department, Bar-Ilan University
Reasons for Sectarianism according to the Tannaim and the Impurity
of Oil Alleged by the Essenes according to Josephus
The aim of this paper is to present Rabbinic sources to aid the
understanding of the development of sectarianism according to the
Rabbis and to explain one of Josephus' statements (War II, viii,3)
in regard to the avoidance of oil by the Essenes.
According to the Rabbis there are few cases when in halakhic matters
one does not agree with the rabbinic consensus: he will go astray
to build his own altar and/or burn his own red heifer. This might
happen, according to the Rabbis when: 1) one does not agree with
the calendar of the Rabbis; 2) one does not agree with the rabbinic
perspective that "all" are reliable when it comes to testify
to the purity of Hatat, Qodesh or Hulin (wine
and oil). It is argued that these are exactly the cases where the
Essenes didn't agree with the Rabbis, which in turn, explain their
According to the Rabbis, not all oil was always considered pure,
since in the days of producing oil, all the people were considered
to be pure, so the oil was pure too. However, the oil was considered
as impure the whole year round. There is a special Halakha concerning
the reliability of "all" to testify to the purity of oil,
where the Rabbis claim that without their Halakha, people would
be sectarians. According to the Rabbis "all" means
people from all social strata: proselytes, manumissioned slaves,
nethinim, bastards and all kinds of eunuchs. "All" were
reliable for the Rabbis but not for the Essenes. It is shown that
the rule reflected in Josephus' description is exactly a sectarian
rule (according to the Rabbis).
Rabbinic Halakha shows the background of the Essenes' avoidance
of oil (by itself contradicted by few verses in the Temple Scroll),
but it is argued that Josephus' explanation of the phenomenon was
University of St. Andrews, Scotland
The Qumran Community and the Gospel of John
Among the New Testament writings, the Gospel of John has often
been thought to show a special affinity with the literature of the
Qumran community, such that an actual historical connection between
the two has sometimes been postulated. This paper argues that no
such connection is convincing. The most striking resemblance is
in the dualism of light and darkness in 1QS and John, but it functions
differently in the two texts, and this theme in John can be adequately
explained as a development from Jewish tradition independent of
the specifically Qumran literature. 1QS and John represent independent,
not related, developments of the imagery of light and darkness.
JOSEPH M. BAUMGARTEN
Baltimore Hebrew College
The Tohorot Texts - Legal and Theological Aspects of Purification
The ongoing analysis of the Cave 4 Tohora texts enables us to identify
new distinguishing characteristics of the sectarian approach to
purity. The widespread impression that the sect was invariably the
most stringent in all areas of purity is not completely accurate.
Thus, in consonance with the later Karaite exegesis, the verb rahas
in some texts was taken to signify only washing, while tabal meant
complete immersion. Initial washing after contamination was held
to be adequate for eating ordinary food. On the other hand, the
rites of parah adumah were construed rigorously to require their
performance by priests, rather than the young boys used by the Pharisees
for preparing the ashes and sprinkling the waters. Interestingly,
the sprinkling waters, mey niddah , were apparently held to be effective,
not only for corpse impurity, but for sexual uncleanness. There
are hints of this in certain non-normative rabbinic sources.
As to the theology of purification, the liturgical fragments indicate
that immersion was associated with the divinely granted atonement
and renewal of the ruah qodesh . This calls for new evaluation of
the sources pertaining to the later preaching of Yohanan ha-Matbyl.
GREGORY H. BEARMAN AND SHEILA I. SPIRO
ANE Image, Pasadena, CA
MICHAEL B. PHELPS
Ancient Biblical Manuscript Center, Claremont, CA
IR Imaging of Ancient Manuscripts: Do It Yourself
In 1994 a team from the Jet Propulsion Laboratory and the Ancient
Biblical Manuscript Center applied the principles of imaging spectroscopy
to difficult Dead Sea Scroll fragments by digitally acquiring images
of DSS and other ancient documents further into the infra red (IR)
than film is able. Our project represented an ongoing trend toward
collaborations between humanists and their counterparts in the sciences,
which has proved particularly useful for scholars in all fields
of textual studies (witness the explosive growth
of databases, digital image collections, and graphical representations),
and the technique has already contributed to the field by both enhancing
readings of previously published documents and providing the basis
for more complete and accurate transcription of new publications.
Ever since Armin Lange demonstrated on digitized DSS texts (Computer
Aided Text-Reconstruction & Transcription: CATT Manual, JCB
Mohr, T?bingen )
how using inexpensive desktop programs to manipulate digital texts
can provide spectacular results, many scholars are now working with
these tools, or are supervising their students, the next generation
of scholars as they do so. Now, an increasing number of scholars
(within and without the DSS community) who deal with ancient, often
severely deteriorated, texts have expressed interest in acquiring
IR digital images for themselves. Using the ABMC's new, portable
imaging system, we will demonstrate an inexpensive and easy to use
system by which scholars can acquire images without the expense
of traveling with a team of technicians. Participants will see IR
digital images of fragments, some of which will have been newly
acquired during the month before the conference. Editors who so
desire will have a chance before and during the conference to confer
individually with the imaging team to learn how to acquire digital
images and use them to
?cole biblique et arch?ologique fran?aise
How to Establish the Original Link between the Scrolls and Their
We cannot match the wrappers found in Cave 1 with their scrolls.
The Bedouins took the manuscripts and removed the linen in which
they were folded. There does not exist any photograph of the original
shape of a scroll within its wrapper. Nevertheless, would it be
possible to follow a method providing an answer to this particular
question? My communication will describe:
1. The linen wrappers found in the cave, and the twenty-two cloths
showing lines of two blue wefts; special attention will be paid
to the single cloth with an elaborate pattern of intertwining blue
2. The method which I imagine can be applied to the linen cloths
and to the scrolls found in Cave 1 comprises a study of the traces
left on each of the wrappers by the folds, the measures and the
shapes of the damaged areas, and compares them with the original
measures, and the degradations of the scrolls themselves. Prof.
H. Stegemann has described a somewhat different method for the reconstruction
of scrolls from scattered fragments. But, as rolling a scroll and
folding a cloth around it is another matter, my own procedure, therefore,
cannot be exactly the same. But the results of his method are very
useful for my own research. My goal is to determine as far as possible
if one of the wrappers could fit one of the still existing manuscripts.
Because the blue lined rectangles are all different in the wrappers
in which they have been woven, it could then be possible to understand
if these varying ornaments have a particular meaning related to
the content of the text itself.
MOSHE J. BERNSTEIN
The Interpretation of the Book of Isaiah at Qumran
The Book of Isaiah was at Qumran one of the most popular works
of what we characterize today as the Hebrew Bible. This fact is
reflected in the approximately twenty manuscripts of Isaiah found
in the caves, and in the five different pesharim on Isaiah found
in Cave 4. Various other Qumran documents, such as CD, 4QFlorilegium,
and 11QMelchizedek, also contain exegetical remarks on Isaiah. This
paper will survey the scope and method
of Qumran interpretation of Isaiah with an eye toward drawing a
comprehensive portrait of the ways in which the Qumran community
understood and interpreted this biblical book.
SHANI L. BERRIN
New York University
Herbert Basser in "Pesher Hadavar " (RQ 13, 1988) discusses
the two antithetical meanings of the root p.sh.r .: "loosening"
and "coming together." Many of George Brooke's important
discussions of the pesher genre reflect this duality, which may
be expressed as tension between "revelation" and "exegesis,"
or between "atomization" and "correspondence."
Etymologically, most Qumran scholars stress the "loosening"
aspect of the term pesher . Textually, though, it is the close relationship
between pesher and base-text which is stressed in most discussions
of the genre. However, this relationship, or "correspondence,"
has meant different things to different people. To impose some order
on the discussion, correspondence may be categorized into three
types: numerical, exegetical, and contextual. All three are to be
viewed as characteristic of the lemma/pesher relationship.
The correspondence types are illustrated in this presentation by
an analysis of 1QS 2:5-10. Though lacking any formulaic introductions
or the word "pesher ," this passage may reasonably be
called "implicit pesher ." Its particularly clear employment
of "pesher -like" techniques provides a useful basis for
With the parameters established, the nature of the lemma/pesher
correspondence in col.1, of fag. 3-4 of Pesher Nahum is investigated.
In Nahum 2:12-13, the prophet employs an extended lion metaphor
to describe the status and fate of Nineveh, promising the divine
destruction of the seemingly invincible Assyrian Empire. Nahum's
depiction of the lion must appropriately reflect both the historical
fate of Assyria and the natural behavior of lions. Correspondence
between the pesher and its base-text must be sought in some or all
of the concepts and elements of the lemma . Interpretations of the
pesher must be evaluated in terms of their reflection of such correspondence.
STEVEN W. BOORAS, DONALD W. PARRY AND E.J. WILSON
Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS)
The Dead Sea Scrolls on CD-ROM The FARMS Electronic Database
The FARMS/BYU DSS Database comprises a comprehensive, fully indexed,
and cross-linked computerized database of the Hebrew Bible and transcriptions
of the non-biblical DSS texts, photographs of the scrolls, and translations.
Many of the Database's functions were presented at the 1996 International
Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls, held at Brigham Young University.
This presentation will focus on a single function of the
Database that permits the user to access large quantities of textual
material, simultaneously and instantaneously, while searching for
single letters, words, phrases, and a combination of words.
The database permits the user to perform both single and multiple
word searches by the use of a WordWheel that lists every word with
the number of occurrences of each word and a total count in a given
text. The WordWheel presents the words in alphabetical order in
the text language (Hebrew, English, Greek, etc.), and text windows
are created by clicking on a word with the mouse.
The search apparatus permits searching by using wildcards (* = multiple
characters or ? = a single character), wherein the user types in
three or four characters of a word (which may appear at the beginning,
middle, or end of the word, and which may also appear on one, two,
or three different lines) and then the search engine seeks all attestations
of the characters in the DSS library.
Wildcard searches have assisted the presenters in identifying previously
unidentified scroll fragments from 4QSama. We will provide specific
examples of successful searches by using the search apparatus. The
presentation will be carefully choreographed. Donald Parry will
formally present the paper while Steven Booras demonstrates the
database by using a computer (we will enlarge the computer screen
by using a LCD plate, overhead projector, and screen).
GEORGE J. BROOKE
University of Manchester
Biblical Interpretation in the Qumran Scrolls and the New Testament
The principal purpose of this paper will be to argue that though
there are many similarities in method in the handling of scriptural
traditions in both the Qumran Scrolls and the New Testament, there
is less overlap in content than is often supposed. Examples will
be given to illustrate this thesis from five areas of exegesis:
the legal use of scripture, the narrative use, the admonitory use,
the poetic and liturgical use, and the prophetic use. The most widely
known kind of scriptural interpretation which is considered to be
characteristic of the community responsible for many of the sectarian
scrolls from Qumran is that of pesher . This kind of interpretation
of prophetic scriptural texts in the Qumran Scrolls is often thought
to lie behind many of the fulfillment quotations in the New Testament.
It will be argued, however, that as in other kinds of scriptural
interpretation, the differences between Qumran and the New Testament
are as important as the similarities. Thus whereas in large measure
the interpretation of scripture in the pesharim is controlled by
the text of scripture itself, in the New Testament, fulfillment
quotations function merely
to illustrate the authority of a narrative based on other assumptions.
Overall the paper will make a plea for scriptural interpretation
in the Scrolls and the New Testament to be set alongside one another,
not so that differences dissolve but for the better understanding
of the handling of authoritative traditions in both bodies of texts.
Semitic Department, University of Sydney
The Metamorphosis of the Name "Qumran"
The name "Qumran" by which the ancient ruins on the
western shore of the Dead Sea are known today has come into use
only in modern times. We have no sources available to tell us what
the settlement was called when it flourished in antiquity.
Two names have been suggested for the settlement when it was first
established during the Judean Monarchy period c. 800 BCE; "City
of Salt" and "Seccacah". The paper will argue for
the more likely choice. For the Second Temple period the name "Citadel
of the Pious" has been suggested and will be discussed.
The main part of the paper will concentrate on 19th century explorers
and travelers and will trace the possible derivation of the name
Qumran from their writings. It will also be suggested that the name
could have come down to us from antiquity through the connection
of the Dead Sea area with a flourishing perfume industry.
Department of Environmental Sciences and Energy Research
Dating Dead Sea Scrolls by Radiocarbon
Radiocarbon and the epoch of the Dead Sea Scroll began close to
the founding of the State of Israel and had a brief encounter when
W.F.Libby, the inventor of radiocarbon dating, proudly measured
the age of the fabric that wrapped a scroll and Yigael Yadin used
his data to anchor the time of writing of the scroll.
Following this brief encounter the two disciplines went their own
separate ways for some 40 years and met again in the early 90s.
Radiocarbon could not be used during this time because it required
several grams of organic matter for dating. For the scrolls this
a decision between "Scrolls or Dates", with the obvious
decision for "Scrolls". During this time interval the
discipline of the Dead Sea Scrolls studies refined the dating of
scrolls by paleographic analysis, to a resolution of a few decades.
Radiocarbon is produced steadily in the atmosphere and is incorporated
in all living matter in a constant proportion relative to its total
carbon. When this matter dies it no longer incorporates fresh radiocarbon
from the atmosphere and its radiocarbon content now begins to be
lost because of radioactive disintegration. This reduces the ratio
at a constant rate, so that after 5,700 years (t1/2) only 50% of
the original ratio is retained in the matter. This constant rate
of decay is the base of radiocarbon dating.
During the 80s, a method of radiocarbon dating that requires minute
samples (2 mg of carbon) was brought to maturity (AMS) and this
made possible a new series of dating of scrolls. The request for
objective dating gained weight in the scrolls community and in 1990
a first series of scrolls were dated in the Zurich AMS facility.
In 1995 a second series of samples were dated in the Tucson facility.
The Zurich series was used for calibration with scrolls of known
ages and the Tucson series included some samples of unknown ages.
The agreement between dates of the same scroll in the two laboratories
is perfect and the agreement of the dates of the two labs with scrolls
of known ages is excellent. The road is now opened for objective
dating of Dead Sea Scrolls as necessary.
Princeton Theological Seminary
The Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament
The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls and research upon them have
significantly enriched our understanding of Second Temple Judaism
and the origins of the concepts and writings in the so-called New
Testament. Methodologically, it is imperative to ascertain the ideas
and technical terms peculiar to the Qumranites and to focus solely
on them in seeking to discern possible influences from Qumran upon
the NT. Thus, it is imperative to eliminate a possible relationship
between Qumran and the NT from traditions and terms that are also
found in the Hebrew Scriptures and Jewish writings that also antedate
70 CE. The lecture will evaluate Qumran influences upon John the
Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth, and try to explain the widely recognized
Qumran influences upon the Gospels of Matthew and John and the writings
from the Pauline School.
ESTHER G. CHAZON
Orion Center for DSS and Associated Literature, The Hebrew University
The Function of the Qumran Prayer Texts
The Qumran sect's secession from the Jerusalem Temple created
a cultic and spiritual vacuum in the life of that community. This
vacuum was filled in large measure by prayer which was conceptualized
as "an offering of the lips" (1QS 9:5). Prayer's role
at Qumran as a substitute for the Temple cult fostered its development
there as a communal, religious institution of worship on fixed occasions
(daily, weekly, monthly, and annually). At the same time, as the
primary mode of service to and contact with God, prayer flourished
at Qumran as a multi-faceted religious phenomenon. Thus, besides
fulfilling ritual requirements, providing steady worship, offering
constant praise and petitioning for daily needs, prayer also became
a medium for experiencing the heavenly realm, a part of eschatological
preparations, and a means of affirming commitment to the divine
law and sectarian rules. This paper will categorize and characterize
the principal functions of the hundreds of prayer texts preserved
at Qumran, thereby providing a broad perspective for more specialized
research. A main focus of such research will be prayers said on
a daily basis which surely must have held a central place and formative
position in religious life and thought.
Faculty of Letters, University of Pavia
Biblical and Parabiblical Texts from Qumran
The recent publication of a number of Qumran texts clearly related
to the Biblical writings, but offering a different arrangement of
the contents, not to say additional materials, obliges us to rethink
the question of the Biblical "canon" and, more generally,
the question of the status of the Biblical writings at the end of
the Second Temple period. As appears from studies by M. Kister (RB
97, 1990, 63-67) and R. Bauckham ("Memorial Starcky" II,
1992, 437-445), it seems highly probable that the "Biblical"
corpus was at that time more extensive than the one familiar to
us. A systematic research into the first Christian works is likely
to disclose not only unexpected parallels to some Qumran texts,
but also to offer a key for a strictly historically oriented understanding
of the progressive constitution of a Biblical "canon".
JOHN J. COLLINS
Divinity School, University of Chicago
Qumran Apocalypticism and the New Testament
Apocalypticism was a world view first developed in Judaism in
the books of Enoch and Daniel in the late third or early second
centuries BCE. Its distinctive features were a claim to a special
kind of revelation, interest in the heavenly world and expectation
of a final judgment that would entail reward and punishment of the
dead. These books were influential at Qumran, but the sect modified
the apocalyptic world view in important ways. Instead of angelic
visions, they relied on inspired exegesis as their primary mode
of revelation, and they claimed to enjoy in the present the fellowship
with the angels that was promised to the righteous after death in
Enoch and Daniel.
Jesus of Nazareth bears some superficial similarity to the Teacher
of Righteousness insofar as both claim to preach an eschatological
message, in the manner of the prophet in Isaiah 61. Their messages,
however, were very different, and there is no good evidence that
the Teacher was ever regarded as a messiah. The early church resembles
the Qumran community insofar as both are apocalyptic communities,
that believed they were living in the end of days. The drama of
salvation had begun, although the final deliverance was yet to come.
But the ethos of the two groups was vastly different. The Dead Sea
sect was focused on the Torah, while Christianity became anti-nomian
in some (but not all) of its forms. Christianity also attached much
more importance to the idea of resurrection, and the veneration
of Christ had no real parallel at Qumran.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
The Diplomatics of the Greek Documents from the Judean Desert:
Diplomatics include the external features of the documents which
to varying degrees
throw light on legal and social aspects of the society in which
they were written. Therefore, the diplomatics of the documents from
the Judean Desert can tell us about Jewish society at the time.
The following elements are included:
1. The material on which the documents are written.
2. The layout of the documents (e.g. double document or single document).
3. The relationship between inner and outer text.
4. The direction of writing, viz. against or along the fibres.
5. The languages employed in the several parts of the document(s).
6. The presence or absence of subscriptions; the function of the
subscriber vis-a-vis that of the scribe.
7. The witnesses (technical aspects of placing their signatures;
number of witnesses etc.).
8. Dating formulae and the order of the several dates.
9. The presence or absence of a legal representative (guardian)
in the case of women,
and their precise function.
I propose to give a short survey of the corpus Greek documentary
texts from the Judean Desert, both published and unpublished, based
on E. Tov with the collaboration of
S. J. Pfann, The Dead Sea Scrolls on Microfiche , Companion Volume
(Revised edition: Leiden, 1995) and on H. M. Cotton, W. Cockle and
F. Millar, "The Papyrology of the Roman Near East: A Survey,"
JRS 85 (1995) 214-35.
The Greek documentary texts from the Judean Desert should be seen
in three contexts:
1. The documentary texts in other languages from the Judean Desert,
namely Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean.
2. The rapidly growing corpus of Greek papyri from the Aramaic speaking
3. Egyptian papyrology.
Although written in several languages, the papyri from the Judean
Desert emerged from a single Jewish society of non-Hellenized or
only semi-Hellenized Jews. What does the use of the several languages
tell us about this society? Does the use of one language, as against
others, determine no more than the diplomatics of the documents,
or does it reveal to us the coexistence of different legal systems
within this society?
University of Nebraska
4Q158 as a Manuscript of 4QReworked Pentateuch
4Q158 was originally published by John Allegro in 1968 as a separate
manuscript under the title "A Biblical Paraphrase: Genesis,
Exodus." However, the editors of 4QReworked Pentateuch (4Q364-367),
Emanuel Tov and Sidnie White Crawford, identified in 1992 4Q158
as a fifth manuscript of 4QRP. The paper will first explore the
reasons for that identification:
1. 4Q158 contains a running biblical text interlaced with exegetical
2. 4Q158 uses a "proto-Samaritan" base text, as does 4QRP.
3. 4Q158 contains the same type of changes to the biblical text
as 4QRP, namely the juxtaposition of non-sequential biblical texts
on the basis of subject, the rearrangement of biblical texts, and
the insertion of hitherto unknown material into the biblical text
(often for harmonizing purposes).
Next, the paper will present three fragments from 4Q158, frgs. 1-2,
frg. 4, and frgs. 7-8, which contain changes and/or exegetical additions
to 4Q158's base text (the so-called proto-Samaritan text). The paper
will discuss the purpose of the changes and the additions, and compare
these to similar examples from 4Q364-367, thereby bringing 4Q158
into the broader context of 4QReworked Pentateuch.
University of Sydney
An Alternative View of the Nature of the Qumran Settlement
There is ample evidence that in the century before the fall of
the temple the area around Qumran was teeming with people and that
Qumran itself was a township that served as a node in the caravan
and transit trade between the coast, Jerusalem and Arabia. It was
one of a chain of townships and fortresses that was built by the
Hasmoneans for the purpose of defense and supply.
The township had no relationship to the Essenes. They lived well
to the south at En Geddi as stated by Pliny and other witnesses
and confirmed by the Romans in the conquest of Jerusalem when, as
part of their reduction of the south, they built the Ascent of the
Essenes from En Geddi to Jerusalem and not from Qumran. The large
cemetery with nearly a thousand graves remains a key factor. It
has been argued that it was the central burial site for the garrisons
in the vicinity. It may well have been the burial plot for travelers
prevented from going to Jerusalem when they had some sickness. Jerusalem
was in many respects a protected and 'clean' city.
It is one thing to argue that Qumran could not have been an Essene
site on functional grounds. It is another task that falls to this
sort of criticism to explain away the scrolls which gave the Essene
identification in the first place. What then were the scrolls that
were found at Qumran if they were not Essene?
As others, the author feels that they were a genizah. First, they
lacked the book of Esther, not at all an accident but because the
Talmud tells us that Esther was not a book which made the hands
unclean and it was not intended to be a written tale but an oral
performance. Esther was the one book of the Tanakh on which all
agreed there need be no genizah. Then, none of the books can be
shown to support a philosophy that was only Essene and not Jewish
for others. The scrolls represent the latitudiarianism of the first
century pre-destruction Jewish philosophies in a period when there
were no Jewish sects at all but only "philosophical" differences.
If one ignores the Essene identification one could make a case if
one tried for the scrolls to represent the Samaritan point of view
and Miqtsat Maase Torah makes a case for these scrolls to represent
Klal Yisrael in a range of views. Since they do not represent one
"sectarian" viewpoint, and since the site was a node with
maximum traffic, since the Romans tell us the Essenes were at En
Geddi and since it was the central burial ground for a region and
for travelers, we can abandon the Essenes and look at the place
as holding a genizah.
Semitic Studies, University of Sydney
The Epistle to Barnabas and the Dead Sea Scrolls
The Epistle to Barnabas, an early Christian document, shows certain
characteristics which mirror ideas in Qumran material, and the Judaism
of Philo of Alexandria. These characteristics include: an allegorical
method of biblical exegesis, the quotation of texts
from the Hebrew Bible and their application to contemporary events,
a communal ideal, a
spirituality which reflects high ethical standards, and an emphasis
on the concept of "da'at" knowledge. "For the Lord
has made known to us though the prophets things past and things
present and has given us the first fruits of the taste of things
to come...." (Epistle of Barnabas 1.7).
This latter concept of "da'at", as reflection on the interpretation
of past, present and future, for example, and other aspects of this
concept will be explored in more detail in Barnabas and a selection
of Qumran texts such as I QS ix,17ff, I Qp Hab ii.14. etc. so as
to gain an insight into a range of ideas current in first century
Judaism in the milieu in which the nascent Church arose.
MICHAEL A. DAISE
Princeton Theological Seminary
Biblical Creation Motifs in the Qumran Hodayot
In this paper I will address the question of how biblical creation
motifs have been employed in the hymnic literature of Qumran, with
particular attention given to the Hodayot (1QH and 4QH fragments).
Since Gunkel's work a great deal of attention has been given to
the questions of (1) the relationship between biblical and Ancient
Near Eastern creation traditions and (2) how biblical creation imagery
functioned in the life and faith of Israel. In the Second Temple
Period a dramatic shift occurred in the tradition-history of biblical
creation imagery, yet little work has been done to trace the changes
which took place. Significant examples of this tradition-historical
shift are found in the Qumran Hodayot. For instance, the chthonic
theme of creation through the irrigation of dry land (used in Genesis
2: 4-25 to depict the making of the primal paradise) is used by
the hymnist of 1QH 8.4f. to describe his role as the medium of the
divine revelation to the Qumran community (cf. 1QH 8. 4-5 w/Gen
2:8-10). Similarly, the motif of the creation of humanity by fashioning
a man out of dust or clay (characteristic of the Mesopotamian Eridu
narrative tradition and adopted into Genesis 2:7) is employed throughout
the Hodayot to characterize humanity's inherent frailty and sinfulness
(cf. 1QH 1.21; 18.31 w/Gen 2:7). Furthermore, the theme of God placing
luminaries in the sky to illumine the darkness (used in Genesis
1 to describe the cosmic inauguration of Israel's Heilsgeschichte
) is employed by the hymnist of 1QH 9 to describe his own divine
deliverance from the oppression of his enemies (cf. 1QH 9.26-27
w/Gen 1:14-17). This paper will focus on these and other relevant
Hodayot passages in order to (1) determine which biblical creation
motifs the hymnist of the Hodayot drew upon and (2) discern how
the form and function of those motifs were changed in order to serve
the hymnists' contemporary religious expression.
University of Haifa
The Qumran Library: Its Content and Character
The study of the Qumran documents is going through a genuine metamorphosis.
The old picture which dominated the scene for over thirty years,
that of a sectarian library, owned by a small separatist community,
is being replaced by the much wider perspective of a rich collection
of literary documents, which belonged to a main current in Second
Temple Judaism. Such a picture emerges from the constant flow of
new publications, and from the complete list of the Qumran manuscripts
put now at the disposal of scholars. Besides some 230 biblical manuscripts
the library contained nearly 190 manuscripts of sectarian works,
and around 240 manuscripts of other compositions which do not contain
terminology and ideas typical of the Qumran community. It is this
elusive group which has produced most of the surprises. It contains
many apocryphal and pseudepigraphic works, some of which were previously
known (such as Tobit, 1 Enoch, Jubilees), but many were not. In
addition, a number of exegetical compositions, expanding and interpreting
the Bible in various ways also came into light. They provide a link
between the exegesis found in the late biblical books (such as Chronicles,
Ezra-Nehemiah) and that of the later rabbinic midrashim. No less
intriguing is the group of Aramaic texts, mostly dealing with haggadic
stories about biblical patriarchs. All these documents open new
vistas on ancient post-biblical Judaism and on the background and
origin of first century Christianity.
University of G?ttingen
Purity Regulations concerning the Sabbath in the Dead Sea Scrolls
and Related Literature
In the Dead Sea Scrolls there is a series of purity regulations
applying to the sanctification of the Sabbath, such as an obligatory
ritual purification before the onset of the Sabbath, a prohibition
of wearing filthy clothes, and an interdict of intermingling voluntarily
on the Sabbath. Similar concerns are indicated by the prohibition
of sexual intercourse on the Sabbath according to the Book of Jubilees,
a practice obviously also observed by the early Hasidim. A Sabbath
limit of normally 1000 cubits according to the Damascus Document
would make it impossible to visit the place of the hand in order
to relieve oneself
on the Sabbath, the latter being situated at a distance of 2000
cubits (thus the War Scroll) or even 3000 cubits (thus the Temple
Scroll) from the settlement; a similar restriction is reflected
in Josephus's account of the Essenes (War 2:147). Besides the questions
of carrying the usual mattock, of digging and of covering the excrement
on the Sabbath (which actually would not be necessary with regard
to the toilet facility according to the Temple Scroll), this restriction
may also have a bearing on ritual purity on the Sabbath. In the
communication, the purity regulations concerning the Sabbath will
be analyzed and be compared with pertinent prescriptions in rabbinic
literature. It will be shown that ritual purity on the Sabbath,
though not unknown in rabbinic halakha, is a special concern of
the priestly halakha represented by the Dead Sea Scrolls and related
KARL P. DONFRIED
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Paul and the Community of the Renewed Covenant: Convergence and
Paul identified himself as a Pharisee. What kind of a Pharisee
was he; what does he mean by using this self-descriptor and how
is it that at a number of key points in 1 Thessalonians, his earliest
letter, striking similarities to the thought of the community(s)
reflected in foundational documents of the Dead Sea Scrolls (henceforth:
yahad ) occur both conceptually and linguistically? If Paul is effected
by this stream of thought within the pluralism of Second Temple
Judaism, can one locate more precisely the point(s) of contact or
association? Are the specific terminology and the broader conceptual
similarities between the two mediated through earliest Christianity
or was the pre-Christian Paul already influenced by the prophetic
movement of the yahad ?
In addition to certain eschatological/apocalyptic similarities,
other convergent patterns are reflected in the themes of election
and the calling of God, holiness/sanctification, the light/day/night/darkness
contrasts and the wrath/salvation dualism. Also, closer examination
of the exhortation, 1 Thess 5:12-22, may indicate further influence
yahad language and thought.
For Paul justification is one way to articulate the controlling
conception of election. Once this is recognized, then it is necessary
to examine in detail the relationship between Paul and the yahad
not only in terms of their shared use of the concept of election/predestination,
but also such other interconnected, but at times divergent, concepts
as sin, works of the law (4QMMT) and salvation.
At critical points it is, both positively and negatively, the influence
of yahad , rather than the Pharisaic-rabbinic tradition that is
determinative in shaping Paul's pre-Christian Judaism. Does Paul's
contact with the yahad Community of the Renewed Covenant facilitate
his own dissent from the brand of Pharisaic Judaism that had shaped
his own spirituality? Does this tension within Judaism predispose
him toward the Jesus movement and its proposed solution to the very
issues that had been and were still central to Paul's own religious
Facult? de Th?ologie, Universit? de Montr?al
Recent Studies on Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls
The synthetic view of Qumran messianism elaborated by J. Starky
in 1963 has remained the standard a few decades. However, the release
of all available texts from Qumran in the early 1990s has prompted
new studies which raise important theoretical and methodological
problems. This paper will explore some of them by comparing the
aims and methods of a few recent studies of messianic texts from
Qumran. Attention will be paid to various decisions made by the
researchers on the following questions:
Is the study limited to those texts which display a messianic vocabulary
(e.g. MSYH), or to those in which a messianic "concept"
is found? Is the study limited to texts found at Qumran, to "sectarian"
texts, etc.? How are fragmentary texts dealt with? Among the studies
to be reviewed are: F. Garc?a Mart?nez, "Messianische Erwartungen
in den Qumranschriften", JBTh (1993) 171-208; J. VanderKam,
"Messianism in the Scrolls", in E. Ulrich, J. Vanderkam
(eds.), The Community of the Renewed Covenant , Notre Dame Univ.,
1994, 211-234; E. Puech, "Messianism, Resurrection, and Eschatology
at Qumran and in the New Testament", Ibidem, 235-256; J.J.
Collins, The Scepter and the Star. The Messiahs of the Dead Sea
Scrolls and Other Ancient Jewish Literature, New York, Doubleday,
1995. I will also pay attention to a few studies that seem promising
either to better understand the general context of Qumran messianism
(W.M. Schniedewind, "King and Priest in the Book of Chronicle
and the Duality of Qumran Messianism", JSJ 45  pp. 71-
78) or to analyze it from a social scientific standpoint (L. Schiffman,
"Messianic Figures and Ideas in the Qumran Scrolls", in
J.H. Charlesworth [ed.], The Messiahs . Developments in Earliest
Judaism and Christianity , Minneapolis, Fortress, 1992, 116-129).
I will also attempt to set my own agenda for a study of Qumran messianism
as part of a larger social scientific study of the Qumran community/communities.
Lutheran Theological Seminary, Oslo
Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Early Second Century BCE: The
Evidence of 4QInstruction
4QInstruction preserves the largest amount of material among the
wisdom writings from Qumran. Form-critical analysis shows the presence
of two literary layers in the book: an older stratum of concise
wisdom admonitions, and another, more apocalyptic stratum consisting
of longer discourses.
The wisdom admonitions mediate knowledge based on reason, similar
to Sirach and Proverbs. The argument is based on this life, not
on the hereafter. The admonitions provide guidance for life in family
(relations to parents, wife and children) and society (financial
matters such as loans, surety and investments; relations to superiors
and subordinates, and agricultural topics).
By the mid-second century BCE the book grows: to the admonitions
is added a second, apocalyptic, stratum, dependent upon the Enochic
tradition and close to the yahad in its world-view. This apocalyptic
author moves the perspective to divine mysteries and the end-time
restoration of the righteous. He looks forward to the universal
judgment in heaven and on earth: angelic powers above and wicked
men here below will be judged at God's final intervention. As authority
and guiding star for the life of the elect the author does not appeal
to the Torah, but to raz nihyeh , the mystery to come, a comprehensive
word for God's plan for creation, history and redemption. For this
author, God's agent at creation is not 'Lady Wisdom', but raz nihyeh
. The divine mysteries have now been revealed to a community described
as God's 'eternal planting', the nucleus of the future restored
The presence of seven copies in Caves 1 and 4 shows that this book
was highly regarded in the yahad . We deal with an important source
for the development of sectarian theology.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Recensions and Editions of the War Scroll
1QM is a compound composition which was based on different sources.
That can be shown by the fact that the same hymn is found twice
in 1QM. In the sixties and the seventies different scholars tried
to demonstrate how the scribe who composed 1QM had worked.
On this subject one should mention the pioneer work done by three
scholar (M.H. Segal, C. Rabin and J.M. Grintz) who published three
different articles in the Sukenik volume, published by the Shrine
of the Book in 1961; as well as P.R. Davies' book, which appeared
in Rome in 1977.
This topic was later neglected because scholars waited for all the
4Q fragments to be published. Now the DJD VII and 4Q471, which is
one of the sources of the War scroll were published, it seems to
be the appropriate time for reevaluating the question of the sources
In my lecture I would like to deal with two examples which can demonstrate
1. There are three different recensions of one hymn: the shortest
is found in 4QMb (4Q492), the second in 1QM column XIX:5-8 and the
longest version is included in column XII:12-15 of 1QM. I would
like to show that this hymn was enlarged and therefore the shortest
recension is the earlier one.
2. Column 2 of 1QM resembles 4Q471 fragment 1. Recently M. Abegg
tried to connect 4Q471 with the Temple Scroll. In my lecture I would
like to demonstrate how although there are some common elements
shared by the Temple Scroll and the War Scroll, 4Q471 is the source
of 1QM and not of the Temple Scroll.
Caves and Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period
from the Judean Desert
Between 1947 and 1956 twelve hundred documents were found in the
Judean Desert. The earliest document is a papyrus from the end of
the First Temple period (seventh century BCE) found in Wadi Murabba'at.
The latest ones are from the early Arabic period, found in Khirbet
Mird and in Wadi Murabba'at.
After 1965 there was a long gap in finding new documents. Not only
that scholars did not find written documents in the Judean Desert,
but no documents arrived in the antiquity market as well.
In 1986 I found in a small cave west of Jericho one document from
the fourth century BCE, and five from the Bar Kokhba period. In
1993, under the same cave I found a group of documents from the
Bar Kokhba period. In my lecture I will discuss these finds.
One can divide the documents found in the Judean Desert (other than
Qumran) into three groups:
1. Document from the fourth century BCE from Wadi ed-Daliyeh and
2. Documents from the first century CE, found in Masada and Wadi
3. The largest group include documents which were brought to different
caves in the Judean Desert at the end of the Bar Kokhba Revolt (135
The last group will be discussed in my lecture. Today we know of
26 caves which were used as refuge caves at the end of the Bar Kokhba
Revolt. In eleven of them documents were found. In my lecture I
will try to show a pattern that can explain why those specific caves
were chosen as refuge caves and what was the origin of the people
who found shelter in those caves.
CRAIG A. EVANS
Trinity Western University
Diarchic Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Messianism of
Jesus of Nazareth
The diarchic messianism evidently presupposed by some of the Dead
Sea Scrolls may clarify Jesus' entry into Jerusalem, his demonstration
in the Temple precincts, and the ensuing quarrel with the ruling
priests. Some of the Scrolls seem to expect the appearance of two
anointed individuals, one of Aaron and one of Israel. Many scholars
think the first anointed person is the new High Priest, while the
second anointed person is the new king of davidic descent.
While New Testament christology and its subsequent interpretation
in the church of the second through fourth centuries tended to fuse
all messianic ideas into one unified complex, whereby Messiah Jesus
became king, priest, and prophet, messianic expectation of Jesus'
time probably envisioned two messianic figures, perhaps preceded
by a great prophet. The messianic expectation of the Scrolls probably
reflect this view and are not therefore particularly distinctive.
Indeed, the expectation of the Scrolls seems pretty much the same
as that found in the Hebrew Bible.
Although New Testament scholars typically sift through the Scrolls
to find items here and there that potentially shed light on New
Testament themes and passages, I propose to review the messianism
of Jesus to see what light his teachings and activities may shed
on the messianism of the Scrolls. His controversial relationship
with Jerusalem's priesthood may clarify certain aspects of the debate
relating to the putative messianic diarchism evidenced by the Scrolls.
University of Bonn
The Reception of the Book of Leviticus in Qumran
In Qumran there exist 18 scrolls with Leviticus texts (incl. 3
RP-scrolls). Additionally, the importance of the Book of Leviticus
in Qumran is emphasized by the existence of more than 80 quotations.
Two copies in 11Q and several copies in palaeo-Hebrew handwriting
show canonical dignity. The distribution of the quotations demonstrates
that the book of Leviticus as a whole was well known in Qumran,
but special attention was given to Lev 2-5 (sacrifices and offerings),
Lev 10-11 (purity /impurity) and parts of the Code of Holiness.
On the other hand the wide-spread RP-texts are significant in excluding
main parts of the book (Lev 1-10; 14; 17 and 21s.), while now preponderance
is given to the purity laws (Lev 11-13). The Temple Scroll (nearly
50 quotations) points out the lasting importance of the priestly
laws for the Sanctuary Torah.
Unexpectedly the people of 1QS did not know what to make of the
book, while the community of CD accepted at least the laws of leprosy
(Lev 13) and of social behavior (Lev 19). The important quotations
of Leviticus laws in 4QMMT and Toharot need special attention.
With regard to textual criticism of the Hebrew Bible the Leviticus
scrolls show special affinities to pre-masoretic and pre-septuagintic
textual traditions, but, after all, the extremely careful and precise
reception of the texts evidences what we call "canonical dignity".
University of Oxford
Reconstructing Prayer-Texts from DJD 7
The prayers published by M. Baillet in DJD 7 were for the most
part extremely fragmentary and his attempts at reconstruction were
only partly successful. This paper proposes several new reconstructions
relevant to the texts 4Q503-509.
JOSEPH A. FITZMYER
Catholic University of America, Washington, DC
The Significance of the Hebrew and Aramaic Texts of Tobit from
Qumran for the Study of Tobit
The four Aramaic texts of Tobit from Qumran Cave 4 and the one
Hebrew text raise the question about the language in which the book
was originally written. A case will be made for the composition
in Aramaic. These texts, both Aramaic and Hebrew, reveal that the
Book of Tobit contained originally all 14 chapters, and so they
put an end to the controversy about chaps. 13 and 14, as well as
their date and the date of the book as a whole. The Hadrianic date
of Tobit is now ruled out. The main problem for future study of
Tobit is the relation of the Aramaic and Hebrew texts to the Greek
versions (Sinaiticus and
others), the Latin versions (Vetus Latina and Vulgate), and other
versions (especially the Syriac).
RICHARD A. FREUND
University of Nebraska at Omaha
A New Interpretation of the Incense Shovels from the "Cave
of the Letters"
In 1961, Y. Yadin discovered a hoard of vessels in the Judean
desert in a place known today as the "Cave of Letters".
Yadin speculated that the hoard containing incense shovels together
with elaborately designed patera and 16 other vessels, were taken
as booty from a Roman military camp situated almost above the cave.
The incense shovels are today displayed in the Shrine of the Book
and command some attention both by the public and scholars, despite
inevitable questions which relate to their meaning in the general
context of the Scrolls and the Letters. It was Yadin's impression
that the incense shovels were not in their original archaeological
context, but were part of the booty taken by Bar Kokhba's troops.
He states rather ambiguously that they were taken from: "...the
units of the Roman Legions or the Auxilia, which carried them about
for ritual purposes." He was not sure what the "ritual
purposes" were, but he, like other writers of the period, assigned
them to some ambiguous "pagan" ritual. Yadin did not apparently
consider why such a rich hoard of ritual objects would be located
in a military camp nor did he attempt to associate them with a specific
Since the 1970s much new work has been done both in archaeology
and the study of religions in Palestine in this period which add
new insights into our understanding of these artifacts and perhaps
lend a new interpretation to their presence. The recent discovery
at Bethsaida in the Golan of another incense shovel which is extremely
similar to one of those found in the hoard of the "Cave of
Letters" in a full archaeological context has prompted a much
overdue re-examination of the subject of incense shovels found in
archaeological contexts in general and the incense shovels of the
"Cave of Letters" in particular. This paper will report
on these new insights and interpretation.
Institut f?r antikes Judentum und hellenistische Religionsgeschichte,
The New Jerusalem Text from the Qumran Library in Context
The Aramaic composition describing the "New Jerusalem"
is one of the most interesting Qumran texts. However, it has not
enjoyed much scholarly interest up till now. Although the six preserved
manuscripts are rather late copies, the composition seems to be
of an earlier origin and probably non-sectarian. This is suggested
by its language and by its content which has no specific sectarian
The paper will take an attempt to understand the description of
the eschatological Jerusalem in its historical and traditio-historical
context: It will provide a general comparison of the town plan in
this composition with the plan of contemporary Jerusalem and with
the plans of other cities in the Greco-Roman world. Then the outlines
of the description of the town and its temple will be located within
the tradition of similar descriptions from Ezekiel down to the Johannine
P?zmany P?ter Catholic University
The Theme of the Land in Qumran
Promising the land of Canaan to the Patriarchs and occupying it
by their descendants is a major theme of the narratives in Hexateuch.
Particular laws of the Leviticus (Holiness Code), Numbers, and Deuteronomy
reflect an idea of the holiness of the land: the violation of taboos
concerning sexual relations ('zenut'), blood, the dead, mixing,
and magic result in defiling the land and its inhabitants being
wiped out of it.
Qumran literature shows apparently meager evidence of the theme
of the land. However, the idea of entering the land is a fundamental
idea of some basic works. The Damascus Document, using plant imagery,
speaks of the members of the 'new covenant' as of a group returning
from the exile and entering the promised land: "in the 'age
of wrath' God caused to grow forth Israel and Aron a plant root
to possess his land (CD I. 7-8)." The audience of the Rule
of the Community (1QS) is considered as the rest of Israel resettling
in the land. Israel, the addressee of the Temple Scroll is a holy
group entering the land in order to inherit it, under condition
of considering the laws concerning the holiness of the land.
Entering and occupying the land is the theme of several recently
edited texts of Cave 4 (4Q371-72; 374; 4Q378; 4Q522). Other texts
like the Genesis Apocryphon, 4Q252, the historical survey of the
Damascus Document (CD II.14-III.7) - all of them discontinuous narratives
written with exegetical purposes - retell stories from the antediluvian
and patriarchal tradition, apparently without any dependence upon
the theme of the land. However, they reflect a deep awareness of
the tradition of the holiness of the land and the danger of defiling
it. Taking a view on the human history according to the biblical
tradition they set examples of the righteous and the sinner: the
sinner whose sins result in defiling and losing the land, and the
righteous, who enter the land and inherit it.
Department of Religious Studies, University of San Diego
Thoughts on the Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible and the Production
New Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text
With the recent publication of the majority of biblical manuscripts
from Qumran, especially Cave 4, textual critics of the Hebrew Bible
may well be in a position which has never existed in the discipline.
After fifty years of modern editorial activity by a small army of
scholars the vast majority of Hebrew biblical manuscripts are now
available to scholars. Textual critics are now in a position to
make use of that easily accessible material.
For the Twelve Minor Prophets there is also the important Greek
manuscript from the Nahal Hever in addition to seven Hebrew biblical
manuscripts and numerous commentaries. Volume 15 of DJD, devoted
to the prophets material, is now available. There are three projects
currently underway which attempt to either utilize this material
for textual criticism or to make the readings of these manuscripts
even more accessible to scholars: The Biblia Hebraica Quinta, the
Biblia Qumranica, and the hand-edition of the manuscripts to be
published by Oxford.
Yet only the Biblia Hebraica Quinta makes use of these materials
in order to produce a critical edition of the Hebrew Text. As is
well known, the BHQ as also the HUBP is a diplomatic edition. This
paper argues for the creation of a new critical (eclectic) edition
of the Hebrew Bible utilizing all of the available textual evidence
to "produce a text as close as possible to the original."
With the availability of the biblical manuscripts from Qumran, the
improved understanding of the history of the Greek and Hebrew texts,
and the advances in study of the ancient versions, the time has
come for textual critics to produce the first eclectic critical
edition of the Hebrew Bible. A sample based on the text of the Book
of Malachi will be given with the paper.
FLORENTINO GARC(A MART(NEZ
University of Groningen
The Temple Scroll and the New Jerusalem
The research on the biblical scrolls from Qumran has already proved
the advantages of the hermeneutic model of multiple literary editions
to solve the complex problems posed by the presence in the library
of Qumran of the different texts of several biblical books, and
has helped to understand the process of growth and standardization
of the biblical text. This hermeneutic model could be equally useful
to solve the problems posed by different forms of non-biblical or
clearly sectarian compositions. This model is particularly promising
for the study of compositions attested in widely different forms
in different manuscripts, such as the Hodayot , the War Scroll ,
the Rule of the Community , or even the Damascus Document , but
it could be equally useful to solve the problems posed by other
compositions also attested in several copies.
The paper will examine all the manuscripts which are witnesses of,
or are related to, the Temple Scroll and the New Jerusalem . The
Temple Scroll is known in three copies (4Q524, 11Q19, and 11Q20)
and two other manuscripts have been tentatively assigned as possible
copies of the same composition (4Q365a and 11Q21). The New Jerusalem
is attested in six copies (1Q32, 2Q24, 4Q554, 4Q555, 5Q15, and 11Q18).
And of both compositions (11QTemple and 11QNJ) it has been asserted
that we have recovered at least two different redactions.
This paper will critically examine the reasons put forth to justify
the designation of 4Q365a and of 11Q21 as Temple Scroll , as well
as the reasons which have lead to postulate different redactions
for the Temple Scroll and for the New Jerusalem , and will ascertain
if the hermeneutic model of "multiple editions" can be
of any help to solve the problems of these compositions.
Beaverton, Oregon, USA
The War Scroll, the Boycott of the Temple, and the Maccabean Conflict
Identification of the War Scroll as the military manual of the
Maccabean army points to its authors at the Hasidim, the militant
defenders of mainstream Judaism during the Hellenistic crisis. This
in turn suggests that the "sectarian" boycott of the temple
in the scrolls reflects the historical boycott of the Hellenized
temple cult by the Hasidim ca. 170-164 BCE. Drawing on the War Scroll
and the Animal Apocalypse, three distinct phases in the history
of the Hasidim can be detected. The Hasidim arose in the period
ca. 200-170 BCE as a reform party in Jerusalem opposed to the Hellenists.
The first recension of Jubilees, both pro-temple and anti-Hellenist,
reflects this early phase.
The murder of the Hasidim leader Onias III in 170 BCE signaled the
start of a new phase, the Era of the Dominion of Belial (or Wicked
Era), when the Hasidim boycotted Jerusalem and her temple and engaged
in active military opposition to the Hellenists. "Sectarian"
documents such as the Damascus Document and Community Rule envisioning
the faithful of the covenant living in wilderness military camps
and boycotting the temple reflect the historical realities of this
period. The cleansing of the temple in the land sabbath year 164/163
BCE, alluded to in 1QM 1-2 (along with Maccabean military victories
of that same year), signaled an official return to the temple and
Jerusalem. The final redaction of the War Scroll belongs to this
In summary, the boycott of the temple, previously considered a defining
characteristic of the Dead Sea Scrolls "sect," may instead
reflect the relatively brief opposition to the Hellenists by mainstream
Judaism during the Maccabean conflict, and the scrolls may consist
in large part of the revered literature of the Hasidim.
Oriental Institute, University of Chicago
Recent Arguments in Defense of the Qumran-Essene Theory of Scroll
During the past few years, several arguments and claims have been
presented whose purpose has been to strengthen the theory that an
Essenic or similar sect was established at Khirbet Qumran and either
wrote or otherwise possessed the Dead Sea Scrolls. Some of these
arguments and claims have been of an archaeological, and others
of a textual and palaeographic nature. The paper analyzes the several
proposals, focusing in particular on the claim that the term "Yahad"
or "Layahad" appears in the ostracon discovered approximately
one and a half years ago outside the walls of Khirbet Qumran.
KIRA N. GOUROVSKAYA
Jewish University in Moscow
Qumran Documents and Revelation of John: Some Parallels and
Possible Origin of a Tradition Used in Revelations
Some textual parallels in Qumran documents to the Greek text of
Revelation of John have been studied and results have been applied
to the discovery of original meanings of symbols in Revelation.
Considering parallels in the Commentaries on Habaqquq, Nahum and
Micah to Rev 17 and 18, the symbol of "harlot" in Rev
is suggested to be related to Jerusalem rather than Rome. It has
been shown, that the "harlot" might be also associated
with Jerusalem priesthood, an appropriate Qumran parallel being
"the wicked priest" described in the Commentary on Habaqquq
(1QpHab VIII, 8-13; IX, 3-7; XII, 6-9). Reasons for this interpretation
include description of garments for priests in Exodus, which coincides
with the description of priests' garments in the War Scroll (1QM
VII, 9-11) and roughly corresponds to the description of the "harlot"'s
dressing in Rev 17 (see J.M. Ford, Revelation, 1975).
The Commentary on Habaqquq accuses "the wicked priest",
who "committed deeds of abomination and defiled the Temple
of God". This fragment reminds of the "abomination"
in the "harlot"'s name in Rev 17:5, indicating a possible
reference in Rev to the defilement of the Temple by Romans in I
CE. The Commentary also speaks about destruction of Jerusalem and
death of "the wicked priest" from the hands of "Kittim",
who are most likely to be Romans of I BC. One can consider this
Qumran tradition as one of possible sources of Revelation of John,
used at appropriate events at the end of I CE.
Among other parallels in Qumran Scrolls to the Revelation are fragments
from the Commentary on Psalm 37 and Florilegia (4QFlor). This might
indicate, that liturgical hymns cited in Revelation were similar
to those used in Qumran community.
University of Waikato
Emanuel Tov's Fifth Criterion for Determining the Provenance of
Judean Desert Manuscripts: Accentuation Techniques for the Divine
Name in Qumran and Rabbinic Literature.
Emanuel Tov lists 5 criteria with which to establish sectarian
provenance of a number of Judean Desert manuscripts. He claims that
the accumulative force of these criteria is such that we can determine
the origin even of small fragments.
Tov considers criterion five to be dealing with the question of
the writing of the Divine Name(s) in paleo-Hebrew script. However
this scribal phenomenon is problematised by the diversity of both
the number of proposed Divine Names and the number of different
methods in which these names are differentiated from the rest of
We will suggest that Tov's description of the Halakhic ideology
behind this scribal practice is flawed, and as a result this criterion
cannot be used as evidence for concluding that a given document
was penned by the "Qumran System" Scribal School. It is
only when we correctly understand the Halakhic background of the
practice that we can contextualise the practice. We agree with Tov
that 'the Qumran scribal custom reflects the spirit of the rabbinic
law,' but this is the very reason that this scribal practice, once
correctly understood, cannot be used to establish provenance.
DOUGLAS M. GROPP
The Catholic University of America
The Wadi Daliyeh Documents Compared to the Elephantine Documents
Despite the fact that the Samaria papyri and the Elephantine legal
papyri are drafted in virtually the same language (Official Aramaic),
within the same general temporal horizon (the Persian period), and
despite a number of striking similarities in their legal formulation,
the formularies as a whole stem from fundamentally different legal
traditions. The legal genres are only partly comparable between
the two corpora. Most of the Samaria
papyri are deeds of sale (especially of slaves), whereas deeds of
outright sale are poorly represented at Elephantine. On the other
hand, the interesting marriage contracts of Elephantine find no
counterpart among the Samaria papyri. Comparison between the two
corpora must be based on deeds of conveyance. The formulary for
the Samaria papyri is considerably more fixed than that of the Elephantine
deeds of conveyance, both in the phrasing of individual clauses
and in the ordering of the clauses within the formulary.
Important similarities include the overall structure of the deeds,
orientation to the alienor, subjective formulation of at least some
of the parts, a receipt-quittance clause, a defension clause in
a few instances, and most strikingly in the function and distribution
of (allit clauses. Both formularies evidence an extended symbiosis
between Aramean and Akkadian scribes.
But the two cases of symbiosis are parallel rather than homologous.
The sale formulary of the Samaria papyri derives from Aramaic contacts
with cuneiform models from the late Neo-Babylonian period of Darius
I. The Elephantine schema of deeds of conveyance, on the other hand,
has its closest contacts with a somewhat provincial Neo-Assyrian
tradition, probably of the late ninth or early eighth century.
Tel Aviv University
Patterns of Apocalyptic Ethos: The Case of Qumran
Apocalypticism is generally described in terms of a movement,
a literary genre, a religious trend. Its sectarian configurations
are highlighted, too. It is considered a characteristic manifestation
of groups that found themselves in political or religious stress,
mostly in the Second Temple period. Recent studies have shown that
Apocalypticism can be found in later periods, and to some extent
even in the modern world, facing the turn of the millennium.
The present paper will investigate further aspects of Apocalypticism
that have hitherto received only cursory attention. The major perspective
taken will be that of Religious Studies. The question will be asked:
How should Apocalypticism be studied when taken as a subject of
Religious Studies? This question has never before received proper
methodological and disciplinary attention.
In line with the above, the major feature that will receive attention
will be that of Transformation. In the case of the Qumran writings,
that have been characterized as apocalyptic, the aspects of Transformation
both in a sectarian and a non-sectarian setting will receive due
attention. The subjects that will come under discussion will be
sub-sectioned in the framework of Substitution. Here matters regarding
the social, cultic and ideological kinds of substitution will be
One of the results of this kind of investigation will, it is hoped,
draw attention to the presence of apocalyptic features even in non-apocalyptic
writings. This kind of discussion strives at defining the "Apocalyptic
Ethos" and its major culture-creating features.
University of Haifa
The Qumran Cemetery Reconsidered
This paper will reconsider the question of the Qumran cemetery,
the burial customs and the identity of the interred.
Comments on the following points will be discussed:
1. The type and character of the Qumran tombs: organization, orientation
2. The Qumran wooden coffins.
3. The number of graves.
4. Some finds from the cemeteries.
5. The question of the similar shaft tombs around Jerusalem.
6. The Jewish burial practices at Qumran.
DANIEL J. HARRINGTON
Weston Jesuit School of Theology
The Qumran Sapiential Texts in the Context of Biblical (OT and NT)
and Second Temple Literature
The Qumran library provides the earliest extant manuscripts of
biblical wisdom books (Job, Proverbs, Qohelet, and Sirach). The
extra-biblical sapiential texts expand the corpus of wisdom hymns
and poems as well as the corpus of wisdom instructions. They personify
to some extent Lady Folly and Lady Wisdom (though not as dramatically
as Proverbs 8, Sirach 24, Wisdom 7 and 1 Enoch 42 do). The wisdom
instructions provide further treatments of such standard wisdom
topics as financial dealings, social relations, family matters,
persons to be avoided and cultivated, the nature of happiness, and
so forth. They present wisdom teachings in the context of creation
and eschatology, link wisdom and the Torah, emphasize God as the
source of true wisdom and the need for divine revelation, and add
to the corpus of Jewish wisdom texts about women. The major problem
raised by these texts is their relation to the Qumran community
Patten College, Oakland, CA
The Nature of Purity at Qumran
The debate over the issue of moral and ritual purity continues
with many scholars concluding that among the Qumran sectarians there
was no differentiation between the two. A strong argument for this
view has been the fact that water immersion was required for both
the sinner and the ritually impure. However, the full implications
of this claim have not been recognized. It is perhaps true that
the sinner was regarded as both morally
and ritually impure since he must immerse in water and must not
touch the pure food, personnel or property of the community until
he has done so. However, the converse, that the mildly impure is
to be regarded as a sinner, cannot be the case.
Some have pointed to the penitential pleas of the impure as evidence
that they were in fact regarded as sinners. While it is the case
that certain severely impure persons were regarded as sinners (e.g.
the leper and the gonorrheic, cf. also biblical and rabbinic literature),
this is not the case for all ritually impure persons. For example,
those who have touched a corpse, while they are temporarily barred
from holy areas, are never considered sinners.
Thus, while it may be attractive to assert that the sectarians made
no distinctions between moral and ritual impurity, the reality is
not so simple. The sectarians espoused a system of impurity which
parallel biblical and rabbinic norms. Penalties for the sinner are
clearly stated while the mildly impure person merely submits to
a simple purification process. The sinner must immerse in water
symbolizing his new status as fit to stand before God as
a member of the righteous community, nevertheless, this requirement
is not sufficient evidence for the equation of moral and ritual
impurity at Qumran.
University of Birmingham, UK
4QOrda (4Q159) and the Laws of the Damascus Document
I will attempt to show that 4Q159 (Ordinances), which has a number
of affinities with the laws of the Damascus Document, may go back
to a similar or even the same community or movement as parts of
the laws of the Damascus Document. I will spell out the relationship
between 4Q159 and parts of the Laws of the Damascus Document, in
particular the general halakhah, by looking at a number of areas
of correspondence between both texts.
RONALD S. HENDEL
Southern Methodist University
The Text of the Torah after Qumran: Prospects and Retrospects
With the completion of the editio princeps of the Pentateuchal
texts from Qumran in DJD 9 (1992), 12 (1994), and 14 (1995), it
is appropriate to consider some goals for future research. One such
area is the study of the stemmatic relationships among the Qumran
texts and the other texts and versions. Much progress has been made
but a more comprehensive treatment is now a desideratum. The problem
of adequate methodology in this area requires careful attention,
particularly the relative merits of statistical vs. genealogical
methods. A second area is the use of Qumran texts in critical editions.
The dominant model, enshrined in the ongoing Hebrew University Bible
and Biblia Hebraica Quinta projects, is to include either all (HUB)
or some (BHQ) readings
of Qumran variants from MT (or, more precisely, from a particular
exemplar of MT) in the apparatus of a diplomatic edition. It is
worth considering whether the field would now be better served by
the production of fully critical texts of (at least) the Torah,
which arguably the knowledge gained from the study of the Qumran
texts makes possible. The production of such texts is the theoretical
goal of textual criticism, and may be a pragmatic goal for the books
of the Torah.
MOSHE DAVID HERR
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
A Reevaluation of the Significance of the Recently Published Halakhic
Materials from Qumran
The problem of the identity of the Qumran Sect has been baffling
scholars for the last fifty years (or even for the last one hundred
years if one takes into account the attempts to identify the provenance
of the Damascus Document, discovered and published by
S. Schechter). Needless to say, the criteria for attempts have been
ideological (i.e. theological) as well as "halakhic" data.
The results have not been too satisfactory and no opinio communis
has been reached, although most scholars have come to the conclusion
that the Qumran sect is to be identified with the so-called Essenes
described by Philo, Pliny, and Josephus. The recently published
and already much discussed MMT has reopened the whole question.
Some scholars have argued that the "halakha" of the MMT
is that of the Sadducees, hence that the Qumran Sect is to be identified
with the latter group. My paper will try to demonstrate why such
conclusions are contrary to any criteria of statistical significance
and are quite unconvincing.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
The Architectural Context of Qumran
At the well-known site of Khirbet Qumran northwest of the Dead
Sea, the remains of a large complex from Late Hellenistic and Early
Roman periods were discovered. An architectural examination of the
site reveals that this type of complex was not uncommon; in recent
years a number of similar sites were discovered in Herodian Judea.
These sites are distinguished by their size, strategic position,
and plan, which includes a fortified tower with dwelling quarters,
agricultural installation, and water systems. On the basis of these
data and comparison with the literary sources, these sites may be
defined as manor houses of well-to-do landlords who benefited from
the flourishing economy that followed the Roman conquest of the
An analysis of the remains from Qumran attests to its function as
the nucleus of a large estate located probably near 'Ein Feshka,
south of Qumran, a place where cultivation of date palms and balsam
was possible. The purpose of my lecture is to show Qumran in its
context, as part of a settlement pattern which characterized Judea
during the first centuries before and after the Common Era. The
typological resemblance between Qumran and other sites may shed
new light on the identification of Qumran's inhabitants during this
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Jewish Women's Archives in Antiquity What Did They Contain?
With the discovery and publication of the Babatha archive, the
question of the documents Jewish women possessed in Antiquity could
commence. The Babatha archive is itself a combined archive of two
women - Babatha and her step-daughter Shelamzion - since three of
the documents therein had clearly belonged to the latter. A third
woman's archive, that of Salome Komaise, has recently been reconstructed
and published by Hannah Cotton. The three archives diverge somewhat,
but all three women were apparently in possession of three sorts
of documents: a marriage contract, a deed of gift and a third document,
in which a third party renounces his right to a certain property
the woman possesses.
It appears to me to be of no small consequence that the archives
of Jewish women in Elephantine, written more than 500 years earlier
and in a distant province of the Persian empire, include, beside
others, also these three documents. In this paper I shall present
the evidence, and time permitting, will attempt to explain the significance
of this find.
Institute of Semitic Studies, Princeton University
Textual Problems in 4QEnoch
After the publication of the Qumran Enoch fragments by Milik (1976),
several reviews were published criticizing the work. However, surprisingly
less than half a dozen articles specifically focus on the integrity
of the readings and the restoration of the texts. Most of the critical
works deal with the author's interpretations of Enochic traditions
(in particular, the author's relegation of the so-called parables
of Enoch to a post-Christian date...). In spite of the criticisms
in fact numerous articles and books have been written about the
Enochic traditions taking the published text or granted and claiming
that the publication has shed new lights on I Enoch.
The readings by Milik of the available fragments are by and large
quite remarkable; however, they are not beyond criticism. On the
other hand, the attempted restorations are to a great extent highly
questionable, often unwarranted or not following Semitic idioms
despite such claim. For instance, at 4Ena1 i En 1:1 ??? [???? ?????...]
construction is not necessarily called for. There is no reason why
this construction is preferable to ??? [???? ? ?????...] : a good
Semitic language pattern not only in Aramaic but also in Ethiopic.
There is room for the conjunctive ? between the two words as the
( in the Ethiopic text. Other similar examples can also be adduced.
Secondly, contrary to what Milik and others have suggested, the
Qumran fragments of the Book of Enoch confirm that the Ethiopic
text is a reliable rendition of the works attributed to Enoch. The
untenable claim made by those scholars is either made because of
the use of late Ethiopic MSS or misreadings in the restorations
of the Qumran fragments. I have elsewhere tried to demonstrate this
with several examples (Golomb: Lambdin Festschrift, 1987).
It is of course important for historians of religion to study published
texts and the history of ideas and their interpretations. However,
using 4QEnoch as an example, I shall discuss the need for scholars
not only to concentrate on such work, but also to examine and reexamine
published texts with view to debate more and understand better the
readings and their restorations.
GILA KAHILA BAR-GAL, P. SMITH, E. TCHERNOV, S. WOODWARD
AND C. GREENBLATT
The Kuvin Center, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
DNA Analysis of the Judean Scrolls
Development of improved molecular techniques over the last few
decades have made it possible to open up new areas of research in
archaeology and history. One application of these techniques is
being used to help resolve a number of questions concerning the
Dead Sea Scroll parchments.
Through amplification of different areas of DNA (using the polymerase
chain reaction or PCR) from organic matter, sequence information
can be used to look at the identity of the individual or species
of the source of the material under study. Two genetic regions used
in our research were: the cytochrome b gene, which varies little
between individuals but can be used to resolve species differences;
and the D-loop region, used to resolve individual differences in
populations and herds.
DNA analysis was carried out to identify the animal species that
were used to produce the Dead Sea Scroll parchments. As base line
material the mitochondrial DNA of ruminants, both primitive and
modern, were determined. By comparing these to Temple Scroll material
we were able to identify the animal source of the parchments as
Secondly using variation between the DNA extracted from different
fragments we verified tentative joins on the Temple Scroll and hope
to reveal some new joins using other fragments in the future.
As well as aiding in the study of the literal significance of the
scrolls, extraction from the parchments provides archaeozoologists
with an unprecedented collection of animal skins from a past ruminant
population. If a DNA can be obtained from a representative number
of the scrolls, then the population of animals that were used to
make the parchment can be identified. With further comparisons using
contemporaneous bone material from Qumran it is envisaged that it
will be possible to study the parchment industry and trade. This
will also assist in answering the question concerning whether Qumran
was the center of parchment production.
Payne Theological Seminary
Lady Wisdom in Qumran Texts and the Gospel of Matthew
The recently published texts from Qumran containing references
to wisdom provide significant new evidence for the development of
its use within Second Temple Judaism. This paper will attempt to
integrate the evidence for its use in literary contexts which concentrate
on themes on dualism and eschatology into the conception of wisdom
as Torah, also documented in other literature of that era, such
as Ben Sira. This analysis suggests that the social setting and
function of wisdom in the Qumran literature also requires reexamination
in light of the hypothesis which finds wisdom to be characteristic
of the aristocratic and/or learned classes of Jewish society. This
portrayal of wisdom in Qumran literature provides a new context
for the evaluation of its use in the Gospel of Matthew, particularly
Matthew 11:25-30. The significance of such an analysis for understanding
this gospel's social history will be developed.
ASHER SELIG KAUFMAN
The Courts of The First Temple and theTemple in the Temple Scroll
Previous scholars (e.g. Yadin, Maier and Delcor) have compared
the descriptions of the courts of the temple in the Temple Scroll
with those of the First Temple, the Temple of Ezekiel and the Second
The purpose of this article is to show that archaeological evidence
in the temple area of Jerusalem has rendered possible detailed comparison
of the courts in the Temple Scroll with those of the First Temple.
There are three courts in both temples. However, in the First Temple
only the Court of the Priests and the second court were concentric.
The northern and western walls of the second court and of the third
court, the Great Court (I Kings 7:9, 12), coincided. This arrangement
places the first two courts asymmetrically in the north-western
corner of the Great Court, in contrast to the arrangement in the
The external dimensions of the Great Court were 500 cubits by 500
cubits (cubit of 42.8 cm), as in the second court of the Temple
Scroll. The dimensions of the other courts of the First Temple,
based on the 1:2 relation of the Tent of Meeting, contrast further
with those of the Temple Scroll. There is one further dimension
common to both temples, namely 300 cubits. This was the external
length of the second court in the First Temple, the same length
as in the Court of the Priests in the Temple Scroll.
It would seem that Josephus did not describe the First Temple in
terms of the Temple of the Temple Scroll.
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Menahem The Messiah of Qumran
The figure in the "Self-Glorification Hymn" is, in my
view, a historical figure. This figure, entitled "the King's
friend," is in my view Menahem the Essene, who had a friendly
relationship with Herod, and who served as the head of the court
beside Hillel. According to the Talmudic tradition, Menahem and
his followers were later excommunicated. His messianic self-image
can be explained in light of the conditions of his time: the return
of the Qumran community to Jerusalem and his elevation to high status
in the Herodian administration. Menahem's Messianic conception had
a significant influence upon the formation of Jesus' self-understanding
and his messianic expectation.
University of Ljubljana
The Confessional Prayer in 1QS 1.24-26 and CD 20.28-30
A great number of similar phrases of confessional prayers in the
Bible (cf. especially
1 Kgs 8;47; Ezek 2:3; Ps 106:6; Dan 9:5; Neh 9:33; 2 Chr 6:37) and
some other Jewish sources encourages us to make a fuller examination
of arrangement of the verbs and other linguistic components in the
light of their function within their immediate and wider contexts.
Such examination shows that confession of sins is one of the most
universal characteristics of the Jewish liturgy, and is therefore
applicable to various circumstances and occasions. It reflects a
conventional language, a common Jewish heritage of established phraseology,
regularly employed to express confession of sins in various situations
and combinations. One important occasion for reciting the formula
is the annual renewal of the covenant as described in the Qumran
Rule of the Community 1.16-2.18. It is obvious that an older cultic
usage must lie behind the Qumran liturgy. The nature and extent
of the phenomenon of repeated phrases confirms the theory of strong
influence of the cult in Jewish religious literature. The main purpose
of the paper is to establish the nature of the tradition, its origin,
and its background.
University of Munich
Qumran Texts and Historical Jesus. Parallels in Contrast
In the enormous amount of literature on Qumran and Jesus one finds
more or less important similarities and differences, but generally
misses the few decisive items to be worked out clearly. I will not
get into the problem of John the Baptist, which is not very helpful
here, and the sensational speculations which are not, or hardly,
worth discussing (like a direct connection between Jesus and the
Essenes); nor will I discuss what was shared by Jesus and these
Essenes with many other Jews (especially the concept of one and
the same God, more or less the same Hebrew Bible as A guiding source
and also the expectation of the eschaton). I will concentrate my
approach on a few fundamental questions of the problem concerning
only the historical Jesus on the one hand and the Community of the
Qumran texts on the other. The decisive problems to be discussed
are: in the first place the observance of the Torah (Is an assumed
loose observance of halakhah in the Galilee and the Gaulanitis the
background for the attitude of Jesus?), further eschatology (How
do future and present relate in the eschatology of the Qumran Community
and Jesus?), the commandment of mutual love in the Hebrew Scriptures
(love of an enemy against hate of all non-covenanters) and charismatic
leadership (Jesus and the Teacher of Righteousness). Can a critical
approach really show that Jesus was influenced in any way by the
covenanters? How do we consider the "Sons of Light" in
the parable of the Unjust Steward in Luke 16:8?
Institut f?r antikes Judentum und hellenistische Religionsgeschichte,
Eschatological Wisdom in the Book of Qohelet and the Dead Sea Scrolls
Before the Dead Sea Scrolls were found it was difficult to comprehend
how the second redaction of the book of Qohelet (8,5f; 11,9c; 12,12-14)
which introduced eschatological thought into the book could have
existed in a sapiential context. After the preliminary publication
of several manuscripts attesting to different wisdom texts in which
eschatology is an important issue this redaction can be localized
with more certainty.
The Book of Mysteries alludes to Qoh 6:8 or 6:11 (1Q27 1 ii 3).
That is remarkable because Qohelet was seldom recognized in Second
Temple literature. In the Book of Mysteries and the musar lemebin
(olim Sapiential Work A) - a text which was written somewhat earlier
by members of the same circle in which the Book of Mysteries originates
- eschatological thought is of importance. In the musar lemebin
not only the idea of an eschatological judgment is expressed but
the same term as in the second redaction of Qohelet is used to designate
it, i.e. mishpat .
Therefore there is a certain probability that the second redaction
of Qohelet can be localized in the same circle in which the Book
of Mysteries and the musar lemebin were written.
Florida International University
The Relation between the Greek and Aramaic Texts of Enoch
Scholarship was greatly enriched by the discovery at Qumran of
seven manuscripts of a work known as the Book of Enoch. Students
of this book had long recognized that it is not a literary unity
but rather a collection of at least five separate works forming
an Enochic Pentateuch, each of which has its own history of development.
The Qumran manuscripts have, in general, confirmed the correctness
of these views.
Prior to the discovery of the Scrolls, the Book of Enoch had only
been known through translations into such languages as Greek, Ethiopic,
Latin, Syriac, and Coptic. Of particular importance among these
is the Greek version since it was from this translation the others
were likely made. Knowledge of the Greek text has come primarily
through the discovery of several, unfortunately incomplete, manuscripts
that were among the finds of papyri uncovered in Egypt at the end
of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries.
In addition, several long quotations appear in the work of the Byzantine
writer George Syncellus.
The Aramaic fragments found at Qumran have confirmed the view, long
held by many scholars, that a Semitic original lay behind the previously
known Greek text. They also make it possible for the first time
to compare the translation to the original and thereby gain valuable
knowledge not only regarding the text and redaction of the book
itself, but also concerning the practice of the translation of Jewish
writings in antiquity.
The present paper will examine the relation between the Greek and
Aramaic texts and consider such issues as the development of the
Enochic corpus, the existence of differing recensions within the
Aramaic and Greek manuscript traditions, and the style of the Greek
MARY JOAN W. LEITH
Gleanings from Fourth Century BCE Bullae from Wadi Daliyeh
The Wadi Daliyeh seal impressions attached to the Samaria Papyri
were produced in the late Persian period, over a century before
the inscribing of the oldest of the Dead Sea Scrolls. However, the
sealings, the Samaria Papyri and the Dead Sea Scrolls alike bear
witness to that elusive quarry, early Judaism. Thanks to their discovery
in the Judean Desert, these precious artifacts from mid-fourth century
Samaria are included in the publication program of the more renowned
While largely uninscribed, the Wadi Daliyeh seal impressions speak
a language of
their own and raise an intriguing set of questions. The artistic
motifs chosen for their personal seals by the Samarian men and women
with Yahwistic names who predominate in the Samaria Papyri can be
suggestive of larger religious issues including the regional differences
that existed between Yahweh worshippers in Samaria and Judea in
the Persian period; yet the Samarians' seal choice is somewhat comparable
to that of Jews in Mesopotamian Nippur. What can one conclude about
the extent of Greek cultural penetration into the province of Samaria
in the fourth century on the basis of the predominantly Greek iconography
of the sealings? How much of this Greek imagery arrived in Samaria
In another area of inquiry, numismatic and glyptic art are commonly
understood to be related. The publication of the Nablus Coin Hoard
with its numerous fourth century Samarian issues has provided a
rare opportunity to compare a substantial and intimately related
corpus of seals and coins.
(cole Pratique des Hautes ?tudes Histoire et Philolog(e
Textual Testimony and Literary Criticism: 4Q448a and Ps 154
4Q448a is famous for mentioning "King Jonathan" as read
by Esther Eshel, Hanan Eshel and Ada Yardeni (IEJ 1992, 199-219).
They rightly identified also Column A,8-10 as Ps 154,17-20 attested
in 11QPsaXVIII and previously known by a Syriac translation studied
by Martin Noth (ZAW 1930, 1-23) who had anticipated the existence
of a Hebrew original.
A detailed study of the readings, length of lacunas and interpretation
of 4Q448a will try to show that :
1. Column A probably contains two different psalms: lines 1-4 and
2. Like A, 8-10, lines 5-7 are also part of Ps 154, not as known
in 11QPsa and in Syriac but as in a previous redaction which Noth
had somehow also anticipated in his literary analysis.
4Q448a is therefore a rare case when a previous careful literary
analysis is now confirmed by a manuscript.
BARUCH A. LEVINE
New York University
The Various Workings of the Aramaic Legal Tradition at Nahal Hever:
Jews and Nabateans
The cache of papyri discovered by the late Yigael Yadin at Nahal
Hever includes Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean-Aramaic texts of varying
types, with the large part of them being of a legal character. The
editing and publication of the Yadin collection is being prepared
jointly by Ada Yardeni and Baruch Levine.
Especially informative is the relationship between the Aramaic documents
issued by Jews at Nahal Hever and those in Nabatean script and in
the Nabatean version of Aramaic issued by Nabateans. We may observe
what happens when two communities of differing national origins,
differing religions, and differing scripts prepare documents in
a language they use in common.
The impact of the Aramaic legal tradition was overpowering, so that
Jews and Nabateans, though of differing peoples, of differing religions,
and using different scripts produced strikingly similar legal documents,
although there are also differences. Arabic terms and idioms are
used in greater measure by Nabateans, but also by Jews.
This address will explore this interaction and attempt an assessment
of what is distinctive in both sets of documents, and what is shared.
The overall impression is that the latter is more significant than
the former. Examples from sale and lease documents, deeds of grant,
and other texts will be discussed.
ELENA LIBMAN AND ESTHER BOYD-ALKALAY
Israel Antiquities Authority and Museum Eretz-Israel
The Conservation of the Dead Sea Scrolls in the Israel Antiquities
This paper is dedicated to problems of the conservation of the
Dead Sea Scrolls written on papyrus and parchment. Apart from the
damages caused by age, one of the essential problems of restoration
is the removal of the after-effects of fastening and storing materials
applied during conservation attempts in the fifties, sixties, and
seventies. The fragments were glued on cellotape and placed between
sheets of glass. As a result, the cellotape adhesive penetrated
into the parchment and appeared on the surface as greasy dark spots.
The pressure of the glass intensified the contact of the cellotape
with the parchment and accelerated this process. At first glance
the state of preservation of papyrus seems to be much better than
the parchment scrolls. The sticky mass of cellotape did not penetrate
the papyri and remained on the surface. It may be less troublesome
to remove this glue from the surface of the papyri, however, removing
the cellotape itself from such a fibrous material as papyri without
causing damage is a problematic undertaking. A good amount of the
papyri fragments bear texts on both sides, thus cellotape is glued
on the script. This makes the process of removing the tape too complicated.
The scrolls passed through many hands in different venues; they
were exposed to drastic environmental changes and treated by various
methods. Unsuitable treatment in the fifties, sixties, and seventies
compounded the scrolls' deteriorating condition. The cellotape had
to be removed without delay.
In 1991 a laboratory for conservation of the scrolls was established
by the Israel Antiquities Authority on the premises of the Rockefeller
Museum. Unfortunately, the process of aging cannot be halted. We
will be happy if it can be slowed. We are trying to accomplish this
with as little intervention as possible and by using reversible
methods. We hope that our work contributes to the future preservation
of these two thousand year old treasures.
University of T(bingen
The Biblia Qumranica Project: A Synoptic Edition of the Biblical
from the Dead Sea Region
Under the direction of Hermann Lichtenberger and Armin Lange preparation
has started of a synoptic edition of all manuscripts of the Hebrew
Bible from the Dead Sea including the Aramaic and deutero-canonic
writings. The manuscripts will be compared to the MT, LXX, Sam.
For every version and/or manuscript its own column is provided.
Included will be also the Greek manuscripts from the Dead Sea and
related material. In addition all quotations of and allusions to
biblical text in the Dead Sea Scrolls will be collected (especially
from the Pesharim and other exegetical texts). Text-critical evidence
from the Masora marginalis will be included.
The existing editions of the Hebrew Bible present the text-critical
evidence only in selection in an apparatus. Instead of that the
new edition will give the full text of each manuscript and version
in order to enable an encompassing comparison of the variants in
their context. Because versions and manuscripts will be presented
in their total orthographic and Hebraistic evidence comparative
Hebraistic and orthographic analyses will be possible. A specimen
of the edition will be distributed.
TIMOTHY H. LIM
University of Edinburgh
Hippolytus on the Essenes
In this short paper, I should like to reconsider the value of Hippolytus'
description of the Essenes as having splintered into four parties
Refutatio omnium haeresium . Is this simply a conflated account
of various sects in the Second Temple period, or does this contain
an historical kernel about the later history of the Essenes?
A comparison with Josephus' Jewish War and source-critical discussion
will be advanced.
West Semitic Research
The Misbegotten Messiah: A Re-Examination of a Disputed Reading
in 1QSa (1Q28a)
It has long been claimed that 1QSa, "The Rule of the Congregation,"
makes reference to a Messiah begotten by God (Col. II, lines 11-12).
This interpretation, in addition to requiring the restoration of
"'l" [aleph-lamed] at the beginning of line 12, depends
on reading "ywlyd" at the end of line 11, a reading that
not all have accepted. Recently claims
have been made that computer imaging, using scans of PAM photographs,
shows that the reading "ywlyd" is, indeed, correct. This
paper will re-examine the question, this time using high-resolution
scans of high quality, high-resolution photographs taken in 1988,
and applying computer imaging techniques developed by West Semitic
Research in the last two years.
Preliminary examination of the newer photographs has already shown
that the upper left portion of Column II has two layers of text
and, therefore, separating out those layers in an area as degraded
as the end of line 11 may not be an easy, nor definitive, task.
A Reassessment of the Excavations of Qumran
The site of Khirbet Qumran was excavated from 1951-56 under the
direction of Roland de Vaux, who also conducted excavations at the
nearby site of Ein Feshka in 1958. De Vaux divided the settlement
of the sectarian community at Qumran into three phases, termed "Period
Ia," "Period Ib," and "Period II." He dated
Period Ia to the third quarter of the second century BCE, Period
Ib from the last quarter of the second century BCE to 31 BCE, and
Period II from 4-1 BCE to 68 CE.
De Vaux's interpretation of Qumran as a sectarian settlement inhabited
by the same community who deposited the scrolls in the nearby caves
has recently been challenged by a number of scholars. In this paper,
I consider the validity of these new interpretations, including
the suggestion that the site functioned as a "villa rustica"
during all or part of its main phase of existence. I also propose
a revised chronology for the site of Qumran. The stratigraphic,
ceramic, and numismatic evidence indicates that the sectarian settlement
was not established before the first century BCE (and that it was
sectarian from the start). Though the earthquake of 31 BCE damaged
the site, occupation continued without interruption until 9/8 BCE
or some time thereafter. At that time the settlement suffered a
violent and apparently deliberate destruction by fire, causing the
community to leave. The same population reoccupied the site early
in the reign of Herod Archelaus. Finally, the ceramic and numismatic
evidence indicated that the settlements at Ein Feshkha and Ein el-Ghuweir
were not established before 31 BCE. Qumran is the only one of the
three with a pre-Herodian phase of occupation.
Oriental Department, University of Turin
Qumran and Stoicism: An Analysis of Some Common Traits
The present paper will analyze some links between the Qumran sect
and some features of the Hellenistic coeval world. Particular attention
will be paid to the most widespread philosophical movement of the
Hellenistic period, namely the Stoic movement. It is possible, in
fact, to note some striking analogies between Stoic pre-determinism
and the well-known dualistic doctrine which we read in 1QS III,13-IV,
26 as well as in other Qumran documents, such as astronomical and
The present paper aims to evaluate such analogies (and differences)
in order to single out one possible relationship between the ideology
of the Qumran sect and that external world from which the Community
of the Renewed Covenant wanted to be completely
Some Remarks on 4Q510 and to 4Q511
In 1982 Maurice Baillet published the fragmentary remain of the
two scrolls 4Q519 and 4Q511 in DJD VII. Both represent a work containing
several pieces that deal with the subject of defense against evil
spirits or demons. They are important for the theoretical study
of this phenomenon. A material reconstruction in particular of the
scroll 4Q511 makes it possible to establish the original extension
of the text as well as to give information about the number of pieces
and their construction.
P. KYLE McCARTER, JR.
Johns Hopkins University
The Anomalous Spellings of the Copper Scroll
As noted by Milik in the editio princeps and by most other scholars
who have worked extensively on the Copper Scroll (3Q15), its text
is troubled by numerous graphic mistakes and other epigraphic peculiarities.
These include a group of misspellings that do not conform to patterns
familiar from other documents and cannot be explained on the basis
of either phonological error or graphic confusion. Instead, these
misspellings seem best explained on the assumption that the text
was produced by a metal smith copying the individual signs of an
original cursive manuscript that he could not read, either because
he was unfamiliar with Hebrew and the script in which it was written
or because he was altogether illiterate. This communication will
document this unusual group of mistakes and briefly explore the
implications of the assumption that the Copper Scroll scribe was
The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
The Numismatics from Qumran
The numismatic material found at Qumran has not yet been properly
The earliest coins are 8 Seleucid coins from Antiochus III to Antiochus
IV and at least 10 coins of John Hyrcanus I. These coins are all
characteristic of the late 2nd century BCE coin circulation in Judea,
and together with the coins of Hyrcanus I attest to the fact that
the site was inhabited during the last quarter of the 2nd century
BCE. Six coins of Mattathias Antigonus point to the site's continual
occupation until the end of the Hasmonean period.
Whether or not there was a gap in the occupation of the site, between
31 BCE (the year of the earthquake) and the end of the 1st century
BCE, as was suggested by de Vaux, is still under dispute. In our
opinion, the numismatic evidence does not attest to this gap. Fifteen
coins of King Herod were found, similar to the number of coins of
Archelaus. The most important numismatic find of Qumran is the homogeneous
hoard of 561 Tyrian shekels in three jugs in locus 120. Except for
a few late Seleucid tetradrachms, all are Tyrian full shekels with
a few half shekels. The latest date of these is "year 118"
of the Tyrian era, which corresponds to 9/8 BCE. De Vaux has suggested
that these lots were brought to the site at the beginning of phase
II, explaining that since Tyrian shekels from the years, immediately
following 9/8 BCE do not exist, it could well be that the hoard
was placed on the site a number of years after the date of the latest
coin, namely during the first stage of Archelaus' reign. Our information
on the Tyrian shekels contradicts this supposition. In fact, there
is no gap at all in the minting of Tyrian shekels during the years
following 9/8 BCE. Since de Vaux's time, many more Tyrian shekels
have come to light, mainly from the huge Usfiyeh hoard, and the
"gaps" of dates on Tyrian shekels no longer exist. This
information brings us to the inevitable conclusion that the Tyrian
shekels hoard was buried in Qumran around 8 BCE, during King Herod's
lifetime. This find, together with the 15 coins of Herod, points
to the conclusion that the site was not abandoned but reconstructed
and resettled after the earthquake. Then, for some unknown reason,
the site was abandoned, in 8 BCE. The last stage of occupation is
characterized primarily by the coins of Herod Archelaus, the Roman
procurators, and Agrippa I, altogether some 180 coins.
According to the excavators, the end of Qumran occurred in 68 CE.
This date was again established on the basis of numismatic evidence.
The theory, however, should be challenged. Sixty-eight proutot of
"year two" and "year three" were found. Since
no coins of "year four" were found, the excavators assumed
that it was during this year that the site was destroyed. Principal
questions are raised by two coins of Ascalon struck in 72/3 CE.
These finds should be compared with the finds from Masada, where
the same coins were discovered in the destruction level of 73 CE.
We are under the impression that Qumran reached its end at the same
time that Masada did. The two coins of Ascalon, as well as the two
coins of Judea Capta found there, struck in 70-72 CE, may well have
been used at the site until 73 CE, when Masada was destroyed. Several
Bar Kokhba coins prove that during the Bar Kokhba War, some rebels
reoccupied Qumran (and Ein Feshka) for short time.
SARIANNA K. METSO
University of Helsinki
The Redaction of the Community Rule
The availability of the Cave 4 material of the Community Rule has
now opened up a new perspective on the development of the document
and made it possible to test earlier theories that had been based
almost entirely on 1QS. The hypothesis that the Community Rule was
a collection of different texts originating at different times and
from different sources is strengthened by my analysis of the 4QS
manuscripts. It seems that no standard collection of component sections
ever existed: the manuscript 4QSb appears to be the only
copy of the Community Rule of which it can be stated with certainty
that it included all the same component sections of the Community
Rule as does 1QS.
The final psalm included in 1QS X-XI, for example, seems to have
been absent from 4QSe, and 4QSd contained no parallel to the material
of 1QS I-IV at all. Instead of a linear textual development presupposed
in most theories of the redaction of the Community Rule, the manuscripts
of the Rule in my view attest to a plurality of textual traditions.
Several different parallel versions of the Community Rule were in
co-existence, and the scribes of the community continued copying
a shorter and more original form of the text (represented by 4QSb,d
in particular) even when a more extensive version (1QS) was already
available. In the light of the Cave 4 material, the question as
to the function of the Community Rule in the Qumran community needs
to be reconsidered.
Aspects of the Participle in Qumran Hebrew
The paper looks at some issues related to the syntax of the participle
in Qumran Hebrew documents. The usage in Qumran Hebrew will be compared
with that in Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew to highlight its special
traits. One of the concrete issues chosen for study is the periphrastic
structure, the verb ??? plus the participle.
YORAM NIR-EL AND MAGEN BROSHI
Soreq Nuclear Research Center and The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
The Study of Ink Used at Qumran
The Qumran scrolls were written with a black ink. Ancient black
inks were of two types: carbon ink, based on lampblack or soot;
and iron-gall ink, consisting of copperas (green vitriol, iron (II)
sulfate hepta-hydrate), treated with a decoction of crushed oak-nut
galls. A very rare application of red ink on the Qumran manuscripts
was found on only four fragments. Red ink was used in antiquity
to write rubrics, that is, words at the beginning of a chapter,
words at paragraph divisions, titles, or instructions for liturgical
readings. In the present study, energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence
(XRF) was employed for the specification of the chemical elements
present in the Qumran black and red inks. This non-destructive analytical
method does not require preliminary sample treatment and no residual
effects are induced in the sample. The black ink analyses, of many
parchment and papyrus fragments, provided evidence that it was not
of the iron-gall type. Hence, it was based on a carbonaceous pigment.
An iron-based black ink was invented, according to the Babylonian
Talmud, by the Tanna Rabbi Meir (second century CE). This makes
the introduction of the new ink to have occurred a short time after
the disappearance of the Qumran community. The very severe degradation
in badly decayed inscribed regions of some Qumran scrolls, mainly
in the Genesis Apocryphon , is explained by the presence of binding
constituents and metal ions in the black ink, and by adverse environmental
changes (relative humidity, temperature). The XRF analyses showed
that the red ink was based on a mercury compound, and X-ray diffraction
(XRD) was also employed for the identification of the red pigment,
which was found to be the mineral mercury sulfide (HgS), known usually
by the name cinnabar. The significant archaeological and historical
aspects of this unique finding are discussed, and a route of importing
this expensive material (first century BC), from the mine near Almaden
in Spain, via Rome, to Jericho and Qumran, is proposed.
Department of Bible, Tel Aviv University
The Benediction Texts from Qumran
Two of the biblical traditions reflected in the benediction texts
from Qumran have a significant status: the tradition of the priestly
blessing, and that of the Merkabah praise. Expressions of good wishes
for the people of Israel or for the members of the Community are
based on the priestly blessing of Num 6:24-26 (see the ceremonies
of 1QS col. II, 1Q28b, and 4Q285 1 = 11QBer 1-2). By systematically
elaborating the biblical priestly blessings with detailed felicitations,
there is expressed the good destiny expected for the "sons
of light" or for all Israel. The biblical tradition is thereby
adapted literally and ideologically into the sectarian concept of
a new covenant with God, and its eschatological reward. The Merkabah
tradition of praising God is used in Qumran compositions to express
the Holiness of God and the supreme authority of His dominion and
His laws. Descriptions of the celestial throne, the heavenly temple
and the angelic hosts who praise the Lord appear in variegated kinds
of liturgy, such as a covenant ceremony (4QBerakhot), Sabbath prayer
(4Q400-407 and parallels) and magical songs (4Q511 frg. 2 col. I
and frg. 35). In these the worshippers, while performing the religious
commandments, symbolize the presence of the Holiness of God among
their community by using motifs of the Merkabah revealed to the
righteous figures Moses, Ezekiel, Daniel and Enoch. Although this
idea is expressed differently in each of the aforementioned texts,
in accordance with its liturgical purpose, they share the dualistic
concept of the sectarian ideology. This ideology is expressed by
antithetically proclaiming the holiness and righteousness of the
Lord and His worshippers against the abomination of wickedness in
its variegated appearances, whether angelic, demonic, or human priesthood.
DONALD W. PARRY
Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS),
Brigham Young University
4QSama (4Q51): A Preliminary Edition of 1 Samuel 14:24-24:22
PAM 43.11 comprises 16 fragments consisting of portions of 1 Samuel
14:24-25, 29-34, 47-49; 15:25-32; 17:3-6; 21:9; 23:15; 24:4-5, 8-9,
14-22. The largest fragment (24:14-22) has 12 lines and 97 identifiable
characters; the smallest fragment (21:9) has two lines and 9 identifiable
In this paper I will:
1. briefly introduce PAM 43.11 with a physical description of the
fragments, their provenance and date;
2. set forth a modern Hebrew transcription of text;
3. present a number of textual notes explaining the Hebrew transcription;
4. show variant readings of the ancient textual witnesses. The majority
of my presentation will focus on the more significant variant readings;
5. set forth reconstructions of the text.
I will conclude by saying something about the textual character
of the readings.
University of Haifa
Were there Extramural Dwelling Quarters at Qumran?
The suggestion that extramural dwelling quarters existed at the
sectarian settlement of Qumran was put forward by de Vaux. According
to him, the majority of the sect members dwelt in huts or tents
outside Qumran walls, since he was aware that the space inside the
walls can accommodate only a moderate number of inhabitants. However,
he was unable to locate these hypothetical dwelling quarters, or
to describe their layout and extension, since there were no archaeological
finds to substantiate this hypothesis.
Most caves in the limestone escarpment above the marl plateau, first
explored by his team in March 1952, and again by my team in Dec.
1983-Jan. 1994, proved to be inhabitable. In the marl plateau adjacent
to Khirbet Qumran, only caves 4 and 8-10 seemed to be habitable.
Otherwise, no traces of a compound of tents and huts, or of dispersed
such structures that might have functioned for 150-200 years of
Qumran existence, were discerned in the entire area. The few extramural
occupational remains in the caves and crevices were ascribed to
temporary hideouts in time of emergency, or occasional stay of shepherds.
Recently, a claim was put forward by Magen Broshi and Hanan Eshel
that they found new
extramural dwellings in the marl plateau. The finds published so
far are far from being persuasive.
The purpose of this paper is to present to Qumran scholars, most
of which are unfamiliar with the archaeology of desert structures,
characteristic features of such remains either seasonal dwellings
of nomadic population, or more prolonged habitations of ascetics.
These materials may serve as comperanda for a proper evaluation
of the finds underlying Broshi and Eshel's claims.
University of Pennsylvania
Caves, Documents, Women: Archives and Archivists
The clear archaeological context in which Yigael Yadin found the
(135 CE) at Nahal Hever establishes the connection of archives of
letters and the women who maintained and (may have) produced them.
Another woman in a separate location in the same cave contributed
the archive of the Bar Kokhba letters. Other caves, such as Wadi
Daliyeh, where this connection between women and documents may have
existed are reviewed and the extent to which we can generalize an
association of women with the production and use of letters is discussed.
Center for the Study of Early Christianity
The Corpus of Manuscripts Written in the Qumran Cryptic Scripts
The majority of the scrolls from the Judean Desert were penned
in one of the three scripts: Jewish "square" script, paleo-Hebrew,
and Greek. To these must be added Nabatean and three previously
unknown scripts dubbed 'Cryptic A', 'Cryptic B', and 'Cryptic C',
used in ten manuscripts from Qumran of diverse character though
all apparently sectarian. Cryptic A, which is often utilized in
order to conceal the contents of a text from unauthorized readers,
may have been the personal script of the Mask?l. The use of this
esoteric script in 4Q249, the Midrash Sefer Moshe (MSM), will be
the focal point of this paper.
DANA M. PIKE AND ANDREW C. SKINNER
Brigham Young University
"A Light to Jacob" and Other Interesting Finds in 4QMiscellaneous
The approximately 2900 miscellaneous and unidentified fragments
from Cave 4 with which we are working comprise an interesting assortment
of textual evidence from Qumran. In this paper we summarize our
findings, providing information on vocabulary, scribal hands, ruled
documents, the use of basic electronic enhancement to assist in
reading texts and other pertinent topics. We also provide a preliminary
presentation/publication of another small fragment, the text on
which appears to be previously unknown.
Department of Jewish History, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Boundary Descriptions in the Bible and in Conveyances from Egypt
the Judean Desert
Some dozen Biblical passages from all parts of the Bible (Torah,
Prophets, and Writings) record boundary descriptions or list in
sequence the four points of the compass. Strikingly, virtually each
passage has a different geographical order. In legal contracts,
however, the order tended to become standardized. The sequence SNEW
was de rigueur in demotic and Arabic documents and dominant in Greek
and Coptic contracts. In nine Judean contracts the order is EWSN
(5x), EWNS (3x) and SENW (1x). At Elephantine the problem is compounded
by the use of the terms ?above? (= A) and ?below? (= B) for the
NS directions and the uncertainty as to their meaning. Is ?above?
north or ?upstream,? as the Nile flows, and so ?south?? Ten documents
display five different sequences: ABEW (5x), EWAB (2x), BAWE (1x),
EWBA (1x), and EABW (1x). The paper will clarify the meaning of
?above? and ?below? and propose an explanation for the multiplicity
of pattern at Elephantine and the deviation in one Judean document.
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS)
Immortality and Life after Death
Did the Qumran Community, and more generally the Essenes, believe
in immortality of the soul after death, the just enjoying eternal
bliss and the wicked unending torment, as Flavius Josephus maintains
mainly in War II 151-158, ascribing to them a neo-pythagorean belief,
or did their eschatological belief encompass the Last Judgment,
the resurrection of the body of the just that will be immortal,
the conflagration of the universe and the eternal chastisement of
the wicked, as Hippolytus of Rome asserts in the Elenchos IX (27?
Is it possible to find a solution concerning these contradictory
views throughout the recently recovered Dead Sea Scrolls? And do
we have enough internal evidence to ground a solution?
To answer properly we have to search in the biblical books which
were also accepted, copied and largely used by them, and finally
in their own compositions removed from the Qumran caves some decades
The answer must then be checked and compared with the archaeological
results of the Essenes? settlements, mainly Khirbet Qumran, in order
to know if these contradict or confirm the conclusions of the texts.
Finally it will be possible to have a better opinion on the contradictory
accounts of Flavius Josephus and Hippolytus of Rome and to propose
an explanation of the genesis of these two divergent views.
Haifa University/Israel Antiquities Authority
The Miqwa?ot (Immersion Baths) of Qumran
The relatively large number of stepped and plastered water installations,
which are fed by the aqueduct which crosses the site, catches the
eye of the visitor to Qumran. R. de Vaux, the excavator of the site,
has devoted little attention to these installations. Although claiming
that the question of their function, as serving cultic purposes,
has been raised, he dismissed the suggestion, since only two parallels
from Jerusalem were brought up (from the Tombs of the Kings and
from Bethany), summing up that these installations were in fact
?cisterns?. Only two installations (nos. 138 and 68) were somehow
defined by him as ?Baths?. Several studies were published on the
subject, by North (1962), Strobel (1972), Wood (1984), trying to
reach a better understanding of this phenomenon.
The present paper wishes to examine the Qumran installations in
respect to the characteristics of this type of installation - today
undoubtedly defined as Miqwa?ot (Jewish ritual baths) - which were
constructed in large numbers in Jewish towns and rural settlements.
The examination is directed to the layout of the installation, as
well as to its details.
From the large amount of installations of this kind excavated in
Jerusalem and Jericho, it seems that the Qumran installations are
built according to a Jerusalem architectural tradition, rather than
that of Jericho. It will be demonstrated also that the density of
these installations at Qumran is not outstanding, but that it is
quite similar to that found in Jerusalem.
Department of Bible, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Historico-Literary Aspects of the Qumran Biblical Scrolls
The biblical and parabiblical scrolls from Qumran were copied in
the latter part of the Second Commonwealth, after the making of
the Septuagint version. A priori one cannot expect these scrolls
to bear witness to the early stages of the formation of biblical
literature, but rather to the late ones. However, since the scrolls
illustrate the methods applied by the scribes, we may at times extrapolate
from the late ones to their predecessors.
The following methods, used by Second Commonwealth scribes, are
attested by the scrolls.
1. Compilation and conflation. The joining of two distinct versions
of the same event into one single sequence has been known through
the Samaritan Pentateuch. Today it is evidenced by Jewish scrolls
such as 4QpalExodm and 4QNumb. MT has fewer traces of this practice:
cf. Num 21:33-35; 33:40; Deut 1:39aa.
2. Supplementation, i.e., the expansion of a text by secondary elements,
not borrowed from parallel texts, but rather created by the scribes
out of exegetical or parenetic intents. The phenomenon, suspected
long ago by critics, is now demonstrated by the comparison of Deut
5:29-30 (31-32) MT with the tefillin 4Q128, 129, 137. An additional
instance obtains in 4Q158:7 concerning the same passage.
3. Omission and abbreviation. Large scale deletions out of ideological
motives were practiced by the Chronicler; cf. The omission of 2
Sam 1-4; 11-20; 1Kgs 1-2 from his narrative. On a smaller scale
they feature JeremiahLXX and 4QJerb. Their minuses concerning the
mention of exile for Zedekia and his people (Jer 52) and concerning
the name seba?(t (passim) are due to intentional reworking.
4. Reorganization of the material. In JeremiahLXX the oracles against
the nations come after 25:13 ? a secondary rearrangement, in my
opinion. Similarly, in the Book of Joshua the three main textual
witnesses ? MT, LXX, 4QJosha ? present differing arrangements of
the material, especially in what relates to most recent passages.
5. Rewriting of stories out of interpretive concerns. An outstanding
instance of this process is 1 Chr 21 which presents a restatement
of 2 Sam 24. The theology of 1 Chr 21 being clearly distinct from
that of the Book of Chronicles, it is patent that the former has
not been composed by the Chronicler. With the discovery of 4QSama
it has become evident that the author of 1 Chr 21 worked on a scroll
of Samuel, rewriting one story in it.
The Qumran scrolls attest to a great variety of processes which
affected the biblical literature during the Second Commonwealth.
The witnesses vary from one passage to another: the Qumran texts
present primary as well as secondary readings. The decision which
process was at work, and where, depends on the discernment and judgment
exercised by the scholars.
The Contribution of the Rabbinic Sources to the Study of the Dead
The purpose of this lecture is to examine the reliability of the
Rabbinic tradition regarding the sectarian controversies in the
late Second Temple period.
The Rabbinic literature transmits traditions regarding controversies,
the majority halakhic, between the Boethusians or the Sadducees,
and the Rabbis (the Pharisees?). Some of these disagreements are
also known from the sectarian writings, and scholars have already
indicated the similarity between the laws attributed to the Boethusians
or the Sadducees and those described in the writings found in Qumran.
The lecture will examine in a methodical and quantitative manner
how many of the halakhot attributed to the Boethusians have parallels
in the sectarian literature, and how many parallels exist for the
disagreements attributed to the Sadducees. We must therefore investigate
all the parallels in the Rabbinic literature and the various manuscripts.
The general impression gained is that there are only a few variants
among the sources regarding the attribution of the disagreements.
Most of the disagreements attributed to the Boethusians are known
from the literature of the sect, as are those attributed to the
Sadducees, albeit with a smaller number of parallels. The conclusion
itself is not new; the contribution of this lecture lies in its
providing a quantitative tool for the evaluation of the phenomenon.
We must now return to the explanations which have already been offered.
Do the Rabbinic memories regarding the Boethusians preserve the
memory of the Essenes? Alternately, does this attest to the halakhic
affinity between the Boethusians and the latter? Or perhaps, the
Rabbis inadvertently attributed to the Boethusians all the sectarian
quarrels of those who had left the Rabbinic camp. The quantitative
analysis, which is the subject of this lecture, imparts an additional
dimension to such inquiry.
The many parallels attest that the Rabbinic literature throughout
the generations, including later traditions, reflects a realistic,
and quite reliable, memory of the Second Temple period intersectarian
quarrels. Additional evidence is provided by the manner of thinking,
language, and halakhic terminology that appear in the rabbinic literature
and are also known from the sectarian literature. All this leads
to a reevaluation of the value of the former form of the study of
the history of the period, which is central to recent scholarly
E.L.C.O.A. - Institut Catholique de Paris
Some Observations on the Aramaic in Qumran: The 3rd Fem. Sing.
A characteristic trait of the Aramaic literary texts from Qumran
is the longer form of the suffix -h?/-hh instead of the well-known
-h (ah) of other Aramaic dialects. The phenomenon had been explained
as a survival of old Aramaic with preservation of the final long
- vowel (beside -t and -k ), as the result of diglossia or as a
hebraism. This brief survey examines ?l? tat de la question? of
this feature among others.
LAWRENCE H. SCHIFFMAN
New York University
The Judean Scrolls and the History of Judaism
Ever since the discovery of the various collections of Judean Desert
documents, it has been customary to study each as an independent
entity, paying virtually no attention to the interrelation of these
disparate materials. This presentation will attempt to demonstrate
that when taken together the scroll materials from Wadi Daliyeh,
Qumran, Masada, and Nahal Hever can help in our reconstruction of
the history of Judaism in Late Antiquity. These materials, when
analyzed as a group, can yield important results which cannot be
gained when they are investigated individually. Subjects to be treated
include the linguistic situation, the corpus of Second Temple literature,
canonization of the Hebrew scriptures, Jewish-non-Jewish relations,
Jewish reactions to Greco-Roman culture, legal formulary and the
development of Jewish law.
WILLIAM M. SCHNIEDEWIND
The Davidic Dynasty and Biblical Interpretation in the Qumran Community
An eschatological interpretation of the davidic dynasty among the
Qumran sectarians is evidenced (e.g., 4QFlorilegium, Damascus Document).
This eschatological interpretation of the davidic dynasty-tradition
was marginal in ancient Judaism and its prevalence at Qumran was
undoubtedly shaped by the social and historical context of the Qumran
sectarians. Although the eschatological interpretation of the davidic
dynasty is quite unique, the interpretation of the davidic dynasty-traditions
follows well plowed exegetical categories. The association and combination
of various proof texts (e.g., Amos 9:11; Ex. 15:17; 2 Sam 7:10)
used in the Qumran interpretation already crystallizes within the
biblical corpus as well as the Septuagint. Thus, while the final
conclusion of the Qumran exegetes might be quite original, they
nevertheless relied on well established exegetical traditions in
their interpretation of the davidic dynasty-traditions.